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Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War

Introduction 1 On 15 December 2013, only two and a half years after the Republic of South Sudan had become an independent state, the long-simmering tensions between President Salva Kiir and his former vice-president, Riek Machar, erupted into armed clashes in the capital, Juba. War soon broke out. This article seeks to document and analyse violence affecting the provision of healthcare by Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) and its intended beneficiaries in the early stage of the current civil war in South Sudan. 2 It focuses on the first few months of the war and on

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

it is no longer possible, if it ever was, to separate relief workers’ political convictions about what the EU should stand for from their ethical commitment to helping people in need, rescuing people in danger of losing their lives and helping refugees once they have arrived. The problem is that, however overstated, the claim of neutrality has always played an important role in establishing the legitimacy humanitarian action has enjoyed in Europe. In South Sudan in the 1990s, there were two kinds of relief group: those who professed neutrality and

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story was shared more than 300,000 times ( Dzieza, 2014 ) and may have contributed to the wider landscape of panic and xenophobia surrounding the epidemic. Online disinformation has also exacerbated conflict. In South Sudan, the UN reports that social media ‘has been used by partisans on all sides, including some senior government officials, to exaggerate incidents, spread falsehoods and veiled threats, or post outright messages of incitement’ ( UN Security Council, 2016 : 10). In one instance, a false news story, published on the website

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Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

, driven by the neoliberalism of the conservative counter-revolution, this social protection has largely evaporated. Insurance- and company-based social protection has historically been limited or absent in the global South. Late-modern precarity begins here first ( Munck, 2013 ). Encouraged by the imposition of structural adjustment, the South’s informal economies began to rapidly expand from the end the 1970s, absorbing the surplus population thrown off as public-sector employment and services contracted ( Cornia, 1987 ). Moving to catch up, so to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

does the language of civilian protection refer to ‘targets’. In line with these differences, people with very different professional profiles are responsible for staff security as compared with civilian protection. An advert for a ‘Staff Safety and Resilience Manager’ for World Vision in South Sudan, for example, lists ‘police/law enforcement or military training’ among the requirements ( World Vision, 2018 ). Military-consulting firms have been hired by humanitarian agencies to conduct threat assessments and to provide advice and training on staff security to

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A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector

fact that, two and a half decades on, Somalia struggles to shake off its reputation (warranted or not) as a ‘hopeless’ case, and the practical demands of working in such a complex crisis over a long time period, carried particular resonance for participants more immediately concerned with what is occurring in contemporary Syria and South Sudan, for example. The participation of two Somali colleagues (via Skype), along with members of the Somali diaspora, was significant in that sense. It provided an alternative (and frequently highly critical) reading of the workshop

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Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

scale of human suffering remains prodigious and that for as much good as they do, humanitarians frequently do little in terms of a net reduction in suffering and misery (think Haiti, Syria, Somalia, DRC, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, South Sudan). Much suffering – private violence, civil and gang wars, state predation, poverty, insecurity – is untouched by humanitarian intervention of any kind, yet this is everyday reality for billions of people. One function of the entire humanitarian enterprise might be to obscure root causes and allow those who, en

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Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

twentieth century ’, the director of operations for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) said in 1999 ( Tauxe, 1999 ; emphasis added). With the launch of the ‘War on Terror’ following the 9/11 attacks, violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) have been described as ‘increasingly serious’, culminating – at the time of writing – in systematic attacks on hospitals and other civilian sites in Syria. Similar attacks in Afghanistan, Yemen and South Sudan add to the picture of once respected IHL being trampled. Some offer numbers as evidence, citing the

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From the outset of Gordon’s mission doubts existed about whether it was an advisory or an executive role, about what Gordon could accomplish once appointed governor-general of the Sudan and about what would happen if his life became endangered. Whatever Gordon’s motives, 1 he felt compelled to remain in Khartoum and the Government dared not order him to withdraw. As the Mahdist siege

in The Victorian soldier in Africa
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letter from the Asante War (1873–74), six from the reconquest of the Sudan (1896–98) and a mere three from the South African War. More recent writing indicates that there is an abundance of material to sustain more focused research and writing on particular campaigns. 6 Utilising such evidence should not only add to our understanding of these operations but may also provide corroborating testimony

in The Victorian soldier in Africa