Editor’s Introduction

, provided particularly American inspiration for the post-war development of liberal global governance. 1 But the principles of great-power trusteeship and balancing, reflected in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals in 1944, were decisive in the creation of the United Nations. 2 Despite the early proliferation of liberal institutions under the aegis of the UN, Cold War prerogatives undermined cosmopolitan aspirations for world government. Cancelling each other out in the Security Council, the US and the Soviet Union prioritised bilateral negotiations. UN

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

?’ But regardless of hypocrisy and selectivity, there was a general acceptance that there existed this kind of order, in which the US broadly set the terms. At the ILO [International Labour Organisation], the US refused to sign many of the conventions, but it demanded that other countries sign. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this order expanded. This was the world I encountered when I was appointed foreign minister for the first time, by [Brazilian President] Itamar Franco, just after the Gulf War. US hegemony was almost incontestable. The

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

soldiers supported by a significant percentage of the South’s population, General William Tecumseh Sherman sent his Union troops on a ‘march to the sea’, giving no quarter, destroying buildings and crops, in the hopes of demoralising the enemy by forcing civilians to bear the burden of the war. Although the United States was not a party to the first Geneva Convention, it had developed its own jus in bello , the Lieber Code, a collection of existing texts aimed at limiting the violence against the populations of Confederate states. Lieber acknowledged civilians in the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

power in the international system. In terms of alternative rules, the ‘sovereignty trumps rights’ discourse has never been absent. It has been very powerful in the case of the US itself – see US ambivalence about many human rights treaties and the ICC, for example. But between the end of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the intervention in Libya in 2011, the demands of both rights advocates and those arguing for humanitarian intervention made their biggest impact of the entire post-1945 era. Faced with atrocity, crisis, danger and threat

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Coping with intertwined conflicts

Turkey's involvement in the Gulf War in 1991 paved the way for the country's acceptance into the European Union. This book traces that process, and in the first part looks at Turkey's foreign policy in the 1990s, considering the ability of the country to withstand the repercussions of the fall of communism. It focuses on Turkey's achievement in halting and minimising the effects of the temporary devaluation in its strategic importance that resulted from the waning of the Cold War and the disintegration of the Soviet Union; the skilful way in which Turkey avoided becoming embroiled in the ethnic upheavals in Central Asia, the Balkans and the Middle East; and the development of a continued policy of closer integration into the European and western worlds. Internal politics are the focus of the second part of the book, addressing the curbing of the Kurdish revolt, the economic gains made and the strengthening of civil society. The book goes on to analyse the prospects for Turkey in the twenty-first century, in the light of the possible integration into Europe, which may leave the country's leadership free to deal effectively with domestic issues.

Open Access (free)
The challenge of Eurasian security governance

Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.

Open Access (free)
Europe’s ‘zero hour’

1 1945: Europe’s ‘zero hour’ History teaches us that men and nations behave wisely once they have exhausted 1 all other alternatives. (Abba Eban, Israeli diplomat) Summary At the end of World War II, Germany – formerly the dominant power in continental Europe – found itself under the occupation of the victorious powers: the United States, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and France. Although tensions would soon arise between the two emerging superpowers – the United States and the Soviet Union – and lead to the division of Europe into two hostile blocs, the

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
The new Europe takes shape

engage in limited market-oriented reforms and in 1968 led Czechoslovakia toward an open break, soon suppressed, with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, West Germany, under Willy Brandt, could start a cautious Ostpolitik of contacts with the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe (especially Czechoslvakia and Poland) and – last but not least – East Germany. The 1975 Helsinki Final Act seemed to confirm the Soviet hold over Central and Eastern Europe in ‘peaceful co-existence’ with the West, although, in reality, it marked the beginning of the end of that Soviet domination and of the

in Destination Europe
Weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh

-Karabakh. This cocktail of newly invented institutions, a prestigious intellectual establishment, a vitalised Soviet institution of democratic representation and influential official patrons from important informal networks quickly developed into an organised formidable adversary to the central control of the CPSU (Communist Party of the Soviet Union) in Nagorno-Karabakh and in Armenia. It proved to have the power and will to reframe existing rules of conflict and, ultimately, withstand and organise sustained violence. Those last ten days of February resulted in a paradigm shift

in Potentials of disorder

of natural desires to distance themselves from the legacy of the Russian empire and Soviet Union, must countenance relatively high levels of regional economic interaction and cooperative security arrangements. Indeed, some of these states (e.g., Belarus and Kazakhstan) have promoted longer-term and intrusive economic and political intergovernmental arrangements.6 Both multilateral and bilateral relations amply demonstrate the push–pull relationship between integrative and disintegrative tendencies in post-Soviet Eurasia, and they illuminate the challenges in

in Limiting institutions?