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Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

merely in terms of the number of countries where illiberal politics is alive and thriving, many of which are in the West (the US, much of the EU, the UK) but in terms of the creeping legitimacy that attends right-wing solutions to ongoing social and political problems. This is nowhere truer than in the major new power in the international system, China, where a version of state-controlled capitalism co-exists alongside a principled rejection of liberalism. The redistribution of power at the international level (from one dominant state since the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

specifically, the willingness of leaders, even those in supposedly liberal democratic states, such as the US, UK and Italy, to lie to the public or disregard evidence. Donald Trump is, of course, the most famous example of this phenomenon. According to the Washington Post fact checkers, in his first 600 days in office, President Trump made 5,001 false or misleading claims ( Washington Post , 2018 ). This disregard for facts is said to have contributed to a wider ‘post-truth’ political landscape in the US – that is, a culture in which empirical

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From the Global to the Local

://humanitarianeffectivenessproject.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/Syria_Jessica_Field_HAT.pdf (accessed 5 September 2018 ). Fiori , J. and Rigon , A. (eds) ( 2017 ), Making Lives: Refugee Self-Reliance and Humanitarian Action in Cities ( London : Humanitarian Affairs Team, Save the Children ). Fisk , R. ( 2018 ), ‘ Look Closely and You’ll See Jared Kushner’s Cynical “Deal of the Century” for Palestinians in Action ’, Independent , 2 August , www.independent.co.uk/voices/jared-kushner-palestinians-israel-peace-deal-us

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Focus on Community Engagement

relationships. In each of the three countries, humanitarian interventions or clinical trials were largely run through national institutions with direct ties to former colonial powers (France intervened in Guinea, the UK in Sierra Leone, and US organisations were the first in Liberia). 4 A comparison of social resistance and engagement in the Ebola response in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea reveals that explanations for the challenges encountered by the response lie in these political configurations, not culture, as was often implied by initial analyses ( Chandler et al

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Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

, political and economic divisions that continue to produce global power and distribute life-chances unequally. 4 Crawford Holling’s often quoted article on ecological resilience is a critique of equilibrium theory based upon research on predator/prey relations in the wild ( Holling, 1973 ). 5 In 2010, for example, the UK government established a Behavioural Insights Team (also known as the Nudge Unit). Since 2014, it has existed as a ‘social purpose company’ that is partly owned by the Cabinet Office, its employees and the data-innovation charity Nesta

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US–UK relations in the era of détente, 1969–77

This is the first monograph length study that charts the coercive diplomacy of the administrations of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford as practiced against their British ally in order to persuade Edward Heath’s government to follow a more amenable course throughout the ‘Year of Europe’ and to convince Harold Wilson’s governments to lessen the severity of proposed defence cuts. Such diplomacy proved effective against Heath but rather less so against Wilson. It is argued that relations between the two sides were often strained, indeed, to the extent that the most ‘special’ elements of the relationship, that of intelligence and nuclear co-operation, were suspended. Yet, the relationship also witnessed considerable co-operation. This book offers new perspectives on US and UK policy towards British membership of the European Economic Community; demonstrates how US détente policies created strain in the ‘special relationship’; reveals the temporary shutdown of US-UK intelligence and nuclear co-operation; provides new insights in US-UK defence co-operation, and revaluates the US-UK relationship throughout the IMF Crisis.

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Liberal Party, Jeremy Thorpe, about the possibility of forming a coalition government. Following the inability of the two sides to reach an agreement, Heath was forced to resign as prime minister, and for the third time in a decade Harold Wilson was in office.3 For scholars studying US−UK relations, three distinct interpretations of Wilson’s final governments have emerged. One interpretation suggests that the US−UK relationship continued to deteriorate in its relevance largely because 04_Strained_partnership_128-174.indd 128 06/11/2013 13:50 129 Wilson returns of

in A strained partnership?

3 A year of discord 1973–74 No special relations. Correct. They’ll [Britain] have the relation with the French. President Nixon to Henry Kissinger, 9 August 19731 A year of discord At the onset of 1973, the US–UK relationship was entering a new epoch. The East of Suez withdrawal had lessened Britain’s global commitments and Britain officially entered the EEC on 1 January 1973. Heath was determined to chart a more Euro-centric British foreign policy, which would involve the creation of common political, foreign, monetary and energy policies within the EEC. The

in A strained partnership?
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6 Conclusion As Henry Kissinger noted in 2001, the contemporary strains in the transatlantic relationship mirrored those experienced throughout the Cold War.1 As shown in the previous chapters, such an interpretation holds considerable merit. Given the political, economic and social changes witnessed in this era, perhaps scholars should not be surprised that the US–UK relationship was fraught with difficulties. Nevertheless, the traditional interpretation that the Nixon–Heath years were a period of constant acrimony for US–UK relations requires clarification

in A strained partnership?
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Washington, or because of Washington’s pursuit of détente on a bilateral basis which resulted in the US−UK relationship being largely ignored. Regardless of how you attribute the cause of the difficulties in the relationship, all accounts agree that the Nixon−Heath years were largely antagonistic for US−UK relations.3 In opposition to this, it is suggested below that the Nixon–Heath years are better understood as having consisted of two distinct phases. The years between 1970 and 1972 saw a failure to address fundamental points of difference between London and Washington

in A strained partnership?