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Post-Humanitarianism

Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

Mark Duffield

solidarity with its victims. For a couple of decades it was successful in publicly challenging Western foreign policy in Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia ( Duffield, 2007 : 51–4). Having once exercised a moral leadership, however, after a long struggle against donor absorption and UN control, an international direct humanitarian engagement finally yielded amid the horrors of Iraq and Syria. The War on Terror imposed limitations. Compared to the 1970s and 1980s, humanitarian agencies found their political room for manoeuvre significantly

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When the Music Stops

Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

Stephen Hopgood

the ICRC is really the first human rights organisation ( Hopgood, 2013 : chap. 2). We can point to different emphases – the law versus medicine, justice and accountability versus crisis and need – but common to both these strategies for normative action is a commitment to the physical and mental integrity, the existential moral dignity, of all human beings whoever they are and whatever they have done. This is distinctively modern, and liberal, and still something of a heresy in many Western societies let alone beyond. It is only if one shares this

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The new politics of Russia

Interpreting change

Andrew Monaghan

This book focuses on the Western difficulties in interpreting Russia. It begins with by reflecting on some of the problems that are set in the foundations of Russia's post-Cold War relationship with the West. The book points to problems that emerge from linguistic and historical 'interpretation'. It looks at the impact of Russia's decline as a political priority for the West since the end of the Cold War and the practical impact this has had. It then reflects on the rising influence, especially, but not only, in public policy and media circles, of 'transitionology' as the main lens through which developments in Russia were interpreted. The book then examines the evolution of the West's relationship with Russia since the end of the Cold War, focusing particularly on the NATO-Russia relationship. It focuses on the chronological development of relations and the emergence of strategic dissonance from 2003. The book also looks at Russian domestic politics, particularly the Western belief in and search for a particular kind of change in Russia, a transition to democracy. It continues the exploration of domestic politics, but turns to address the theme of 'Putinology', the focus on Putin as the central figure in Russian politics.

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Introduction

‘We’ve moved on’

Andrew Monaghan

, threw the emphasis very much onto the dissonance inherent in this latter interpretation. But it also highlighted the inability to move on from the Cold War in terms of how both sides perceive the other. This book explores this gap, focusing on the Western difficulties in interpreting Russia. This chapter sketches out the book’s underlying themes, beginning by reflecting on some of the problems that are

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Two China ‘gadabouts’

Guerrilla nursing with the Friends Ambulance Unit, 1946–48

Series:

Susan Armstrong-Reid

into Communist-held territory. Hughes and Stanley witnessed the birth of modern China from both sides of the conflict. Both worked in three of the Western-style mission hospitals being rehabilitated as part of the Honan project, then under Nationalist control, before joining Medical Team 19 (MT19) deep in Communist-held territory ‘during the intensity of battles and bombing’.3 Their experiences illuminate the difficulties of grounding humanitarian action in a few basic principles: independence, neutrality and impartiality. Equally important, as their personal and

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Australasia

‘Australia for the White Man’

Series:

Julie Evans, Patricia Grimshaw, David Philips and Shurlee Swain

for one moment tolerate the extension of the franchise to the aboriginals.’ 57 Owing to the difficulties of identification, he argued, ‘we should have no check on the number of times they might vote’. 58 What specific concerns did they air? For some it was the possibility of the ‘conservative vote’ in the outlying areas of Queensland and Western Australia enrolling ‘all the

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1945

Europe’s ‘zero hour’

Kjell M. Torbiörn

new situation also offered a unique opportunity for reconciliation and budding co-operation especially between Germany and France, whose rivalry had underlain both world wars. The Marshall Plan launched by the United States in 1948 kick-started economic recovery and co-operation in Western Europe, permitting democracy and a market economy to take hold. In Central and Eastern Europe, however, the Soviet political grip hardened and communist regimes posing as ‘people’s democracies’ were installed, emphasising state ownership of the means of production and central

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Series:

Neil McNaughton

frustrating aspect of the CAP for those who do not have an interest in agriculture, is this difficulty in instituting reform. Indeed, for most members of the European public, complete abolition of the CAP seems the best option. The CAP is unpopular for a number of reasons. It eats up a huge portion of the EU budget. It is the taxpayers who pick up this bill. In 2000 a total of 41.5 billion euros was spent on the CAP, nearly a half of the total EU budget. It is seen to be supporting farmers, irrespective of whether they deserve this support. It is a system of trade

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Felix M. Bivens

trusting of the space and freedoms he offered. University of the Western Cape, South Africa – governance, administration and ethics This course also drew heavily on CDRC materials. A major difference was that the course was structured as an intensive block session – forty hours of contact time in a single week. As in the previous case, the course convener met resistance in trying to engage students in a more participatory and co-constructed pedagogical approach. Given the course’s particularly short time-span, there was little opportunity to build an environment of trust

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Russia

The state of surprise

Andrew Monaghan

Rude awakenings The eruption of war in Ukraine in 2014 illustrated the strong and prevailing sense of surprise, even astonishment, that has pervaded post-Cold War Western public policy and mainstream media commentary in response to Russian actions. Perhaps the sharpest point was Russia’s unexpected annexation of Crimea: one US observer suggested that the US administration