are completely valid for aid organisations. All, however, require a minimum level of internal and public transparency concerning the abduction of humanitarian workers, which means breaking the code of silence about past cases. It is impossible to increase the political costs of aid-worker abductions without starting to publicly acknowledge their existence. In practice, secrecy helps shield local and international accountability, thus contributing to the continuation of a system that diverts aid resources to criminal organisations, their political sponsors and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Focus on Community Engagement

picture of engagement in practice, revealing murky social dynamics in some encounters, including aggressive appeals for collaboration, top-down decision-making and a lack of accountability ( Calain and Poncin, 2015 ; Carrión et al., 2016 ; Cohn and Kutalek 2016 ; Gomez-Temesio and Le Marcis, 2017 ; Oosterhoff and Wilkinson, 2015 ; Tengbeh et al. , 2018 ; Wilkinson and Fairhead, 2017 ; Wilkinson et al. , 2017 ). Building on this work, our ethnographic case studies aim to understand the sources and contingent nature of the legitimacy of a large

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

ICRC is really the first human rights organisation ( Hopgood, 2013 : chap. 2). We can point to different emphases – the law versus medicine, justice and accountability versus crisis and need – but common to both these strategies for normative action is a commitment to the physical and mental integrity, the existential moral dignity, of all human beings whoever they are and whatever they have done. This is distinctively modern, and liberal, and still something of a heresy in many Western societies let alone beyond. It is only if one shares this

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

explicit protection mandates (e.g. ICRC and UNHCR). Indeed, many of the measures adopted with the intention of increasing accountability to affected populations – which in any case do not generally include legal mechanisms – pay scant attention to protection ( Terry, 2000 ). Political Constraints and Opportunities In addition to differences in legal opportunities and obligations, there exist differences in political opportunities and constraints. There is more opportunity to evacuate expatriate staff internationally because they are fewer in number than the local

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Looking forward

effectiveness, and to strategize for the new challenges. The first section examines the issue of accountability of national machineries themselves as a means of strengthening machinery–civil society relations which in turn may strengthen the position of the machinery within the state structure. The second section briefly summarizes the lessons learnt from the various case studies in this volume and determines what may be an enabling environment for national machineries. Accountability and legitimacy of national machineries It can be argued that the legitimacy of national

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?

in order to assess the impact of industry restructuring, for example, was a useful lesson for bureaucrats in how rare it is for public policy to be gender neutral in its effects. The idea of the women’s budget programme was to be an attractive one for feminists in other countries trying to mainstream gender accountability and the (British) Commonwealth Secretariat is now assisting countries interested in developing pilot women’s budget programmes (Budlender and Sharp, 1998). In taking up this Australian model, other countries have improved upon it, for example by

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Ian Kennedy, oversight and accountability in the 1980s

3 ‘Who’s for bioethics?’ Ian Kennedy, oversight and accountability in the 1980s Bioethics ceased to be an ‘American trend’ during the 1980s, when growing numbers of British outsiders publicly demanded greater external involvement in the development of guidelines for medicine and biological science. Their arguments were certainly successful. By the beginning of the 1990s, when the Guardian described the growing ‘ethics industry’, supporters of this new approach were influential public figures. One of the earliest and most high profile of these supporters was the

in The making of British bioethics
State-based institutions to advocate for gender equality

rightly illuminate deficiencies in the government’s accountability to women, thereby providing outside constituencies with ‘ammunition’ with which to lobby for change. This means divided loyalties for many WID/GAD bureaucrats, which can undermine their credibility in the bureaucracy. A similar set of constraints operates in the opposite direction. Women’s organizations in particular may resist association with an administration linked to a government which is not seen as responsive to their concerns. This appears to be the case in Bangladesh. The transformative

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)

the times and was symptomatic of a country clamping down on any alternative history. However, speculative and beyond easy confirmation these thoughts may have been, they still encapsulated something that Stone had been trying to say about the public accountability of corporate media organisations, and the undue influence (sought or unsought) of government in what gets reported, since he had first locked horns with the media nearly two decades previously. Corporations –​private and public –​their activities, and their tenuous accountability were stalking the back

in The cinema of Oliver Stone

The international growth and influence of bioethics has led some to identify it as a decisive shift in the location and exercise of 'biopower'. This book provides an in-depth study of how philosophers, lawyers and other 'outsiders' came to play a major role in discussing and helping to regulate issues that used to be left to doctors and scientists. It discusses how club regulation stemmed not only from the professionalising tactics of doctors and scientists, but was compounded by the 'hands-off' approach of politicians and professionals in fields such as law, philosophy and theology. The book outlines how theologians such as Ian Ramsey argued that 'transdisciplinary groups' were needed to meet the challenges posed by secular and increasingly pluralistic societies. It also examines their links with influential figures in the early history of American bioethics. The book centres on the work of the academic lawyer Ian Kennedy, who was the most high-profile advocate of the approach he explicitly termed 'bioethics'. It shows how Mary Warnock echoed governmental calls for external oversight. Many clinicians and researchers supported her calls for a 'monitoring body' to scrutinise in vitro fertilisation and embryo research. The growth of bioethics in British universities occurred in the 1980s and 1990s with the emergence of dedicated centres for bioethics. The book details how some senior doctors and bioethicists led calls for a politically-funded national bioethics committee during the 1980s. It details how recent debates on assisted dying highlight the authority and influence of British bioethicists.