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Changing anarchism

Anarchist theory and practice in a global age

Edited by: Jonathan Purkis and James Bowen

This book attempts to convey the different sociological contexts for how contemporary anarchist theory and practice is to be understood. It concentrates on the issue of broadening the parameters of how anarchist theory and practice is conceptualized. The book compares the major philosophical differences and strategies between the classical period (what Dave Morland calls 'social anarchism') and the contemporary anti-capitalist movements which he regards as being poststructuralist in nature. It also documents the emergence of the now highly influential anti-technological and anti-civilisational strand in anarchist thought. This offers something of a challenge to anarchism as a political philosophy of the Enlightenment, as well as to other contemporary versions of ecological anarchism and, to some extent, anarcho-communism. The book further provides a snapshot of a number of debates and critical positions which inform contemporary anarchist practice. The specific areas covered offer unique perspectives on sexuality, education, addiction and mental health aspects of socialisation and how this can be challenged at a number of different levels. The fact that anarchism has largely premised its critique on a psychological dimension to power relations, not just a material one, has been an advantage in this respect. Ecological anarchism, which has been the driving force behind much contemporary anarchist theory and practice, has been committed to thinking about the relationships between people and 'nature' in new ways.

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James Bowen and Jonathan Purkis

Part 1I Doing The following four chapters provide a snapshot of a number of debates and critical positions which inform contemporary anarchist practice. The specific areas covered offer unique perspectives on aspects of socialisation – sexuality, education, addiction and mental health – and how this can be challenged at a number of different levels. Each of the contributors comes from a specialist professional or activist background (rather than an established academic one), and to varying degrees the chapters bear out points made in Part I, ‘Thinking’ regarding

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Colin Craig

but not exclusively in Latin America. It is sustained by the myth of drug addiction and searches for ‘cures’ and ‘treatments’ that belie the fact that it is our everyday conditions of living which is the problem. Different governments, many of which have actively ignored the plight of millions of those caught up in the Drug War, such as HIV sufferers, fight the War on Drugs on many fronts. These governments increasingly choose surveillance strategies to police the bodies and minds of their populations. In the post-11 September 2001 political climate, the

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Conclusion

The economy of unromantic solidarity

Series:

Nazima Kadir

. He repeated himself, “Don’t feel bad. It’s good to have feelings. Feelings are healthy.” In the last squat I resided, Morris was a frequent visitor. Despite our moment of connection during the drama of the night raid, I felt concerned about having Morris spend time in my house where my possessions lay unlocked in my room. I asked my housemate, Marie, who had been in the scene for over ten years, about Morris. She explained that Morris’s adult life encompassed cycles of heroin addiction and recovery. Once

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G.M. Peter Swann

mainstream. What follows is no more than a small and rather idiosyncratic selection drawing heavily on earlier (joint) surveys by this author: Cowan et al. (1997, 1998), Swann (1999). The papers collected in Becker (1996) show how far one of the leading economists in this field has moved beyond the narrow modern mainstream of section one. Half his papers in that collection are concerned with personal consumption capital, or routine and habit; the rest are concerned with social capital, or consumption as a social activity. The former describe a theory of rational addiction

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A question of definition?

Ideology and the Conservative Party, 1997–2001

Mark Garnett

mix of both. I believed that individuals had to be free to grow economically, to make the most of their talents . . . and that the state should interfere minimally.’ ‘The individual must, as far as possible, take responsibility for himself ’, she argues.18 Her well-publicised views on drugs are fully compatible with this general approach. Even if addiction does not lead directly to crime, in her view it diminishes individual responsibility. Contrary to her retributivist caricature, after Widdecombe’s exposure to conditions within Britain’s jails she became a strong

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Selling the lott ery to earn salvation

Journalism practice, risk and humanitarian communication

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Jairo Lugo-Ocando and Gabriel Andrade

. 38 A. C. Burns , P. L. Gillett , M. Rubinstein and J. Gentry , ‘ An Exploratory Study of Lottery Playing, Gambling Addiction and Links to Compulsive Consumption ’, Advances in Consumer Research , 17 ( 1990 ), p. 298 . 39 S. Wolfson and P. Briggs

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Tania Anne Woloshyn

prohibited sunbed usage to people under eighteen, in an effort to protect British youth from ultraviolet radiation exposure. It emerged amidst fears of a new beauty ‘addiction’ for the euphoric highs of tanning, termed ‘tanorexia’. 16 Two years later, Cancer Research UK asked image-conscious British girls, ‘R UV Ugly?’ Its SunSmart campaign employed the terms ‘ugly’ and ‘ageing’ synonymously to educate the public about the

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Nazima Kadir

of the demonstration of a number of skills, competencies, and a particular habitus both within the movement and in the Mainstream. Cultural marginality is defined directly in relation to cultural centrality. It is marked often by a squatter’s long-term addiction to drugs and/or alcohol as well as excess aggression, emotional and material dependence on the squatters’ subculture, and displaying a lack of emotional control. I argue that since culturally central people assume that the movement is a space of

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Mike Huggins

. McKibbin was confident that ‘the middle classes rarely betted on sport’.36 This was to accept a carefully constructed middle-class myth. Chapter 3 brings forward evidence to support a revisionist view that for significant numbers of the middle classes, betting was far too resilient a pleasure to be avoided. Some media presentations of racing and betting painted a more negative picture: of criminality, dishonesty or betting addiction. Bookmakers could be presented as dishonest, corpulent and ‘flash’. The pools and greyhound racing were legal, cash ‘street betting’ on ‘the