Search results

Open Access (free)
Rainer Bauböck in dialogue
Series: Critical Powers
Editor: Rainer Bauböck

This book addresses the major theoretical and practical issues of the forms of citizenship and access to citizenship in different types of polity, and the specification and justification of rights of non-citizen immigrants as well as non-resident citizens. It also addresses the conditions under which norms governing citizenship can legitimately vary. The book discusses the principles of including all affected interests (AAI), all subject to coercion (ASC) and all citizenship stakeholders (ACS). They complement each other because they serve distinct purposes of democratic inclusion. The book proposes that democratic inclusion principles specify a relation between an individual or group that has an inclusion claim and a political community that aims to achieve democratic legitimacy for its political decisions and institutions. It contextualizes the principle of stakeholder inclusion, which provides the best answer to the question of democratic boundaries of membership, by applying it to polities of different types. The book distinguishes state, local and regional polities and argues that they differ in their membership character. It examines how a principle of stakeholder inclusion applies to polities of different types. The book illustrates the difference between consensual and automatic modes of inclusion by considering the contrast between birthright acquisition of citizenship, which is generally automatic, and naturalization, which requires an application.

Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

even hostile to wider norms and interests, attacks on civilians, IDPs and refugees and aid workers have grown. Fears of scarcity, feelings of injustice, lack of recognition and enervating insecurity have all taken their toll. The room for humanism has reduced as a result. We can see this in the backlash against human rights and the erosion of humanitarian space. Indeed, in what follows, I will suggest that without liberal world order, global humanitarianism as we currently understand it is impossible. Governments of rising powers, increasingly

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

major global power – I am of course referring to the US – doesn’t have a project for the world. It is evident that the US has always defended its own interests, but it always imagined or at least presented its interests – I’m not casting a value judgement here – as linked to a project for the world. Following the Second World War, it was the Americans who assumed primary responsibility for the creation of the international system, starting with Roosevelt. Some international institutions were accessible to all states, others, like the GATT [General

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

of inauthentic news sites and clusters of associated accounts across multiple social media platforms to promote political narratives in line with Iranian interests’ ( ibid ., 2018), including of the Israel–Palestine conflict, politics in North Korea and the UK’s departure from the EU. In Syria, there is a fervent propaganda war between the Americans, Russians and Iranians, and between rebel and regime groups. All are extremely active online. Pro-regime Russian content producers have created websites and attacked groups like the White Helmets

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Focus on Community Engagement

epidemic to a number of factors related to history and international political economy. They range from the legacy of the transatlantic slave trade and colonial histories to economic structures built around international extractive industries and aid dependency ( Benton and Dionne, 2015 ; Richardson et al. , 2016 ; Wilkinson and Fairhead, 2017 ). Externally imposed structural adjustment in the 1980s hollowed out all (non-military) essential state functions. This, in turn, transformed citizens’ relation to and expectations of the postcolonial state and its legitimacy

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)

democratically illegitimate about this system. In my essay I suggest that the current principles of international law allow states to broadly ignore the interests of outsiders who are negatively affected by their decisions. Under my interpretation of the all affected interests (AAI) principle, this provides not only cover for possible injustices , which states may or may not commit towards outsiders, but also tarnishes the legitimacy of decisions taken

in Democratic inclusion

's argument that the all citizenship stakeholders (ACS) principle is the best available principle for determining the composition of the citizenry but, in a particular and specific sense, reject the claim that it thereby also demarcates the demos. Demos principles and citizenship It is an important strength of Bauböck's argument that his account articulates complementary relations of the all affected interests (AAI) principle, the

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
A pluralist theory of citizenship

allow for identifying contexts where mixed principles apply or where polities are of mixed types. The core normative argument of this essay is developed in section 3 , where I discuss the principles of including all affected interests (AAI), all subject to coercion (ASC) and all citizenship stakeholders (ACS). I claim that these principles are not rivals but friends. They complement each other because they serve distinct purposes of democratic

in Democratic inclusion
Some questions for Rainer Bauböck

, empirical researchers and policy-makers alike. Those gifts are clearly on display here as Bauböck explores the virtues and limitations of three different principles of democratic inclusion: all affected interests (AAI), all subject to coercion (ASC) and all citizenship stakeholders (ACS). Bauböck argues that the three principles complement one another, with each providing legitimation for a different set of democratic institutions and practices

in Democratic inclusion

the behaviour of all parties involved – ethnic groups within states, governments of other states, and others – depends on their construction of their interests. The construction of ethnic group interests, in turn, is heavily influenced by the ethnic mythology of the groups in question, and by the degree of mutual hostility and fear. Many of the groups are caught in a symbolic politics trap from which it is difficult to escape. This applies also to other conflicts in the region. In Kosovo, for example, the Albanian majority insists so strongly on the goal of complete

in Limiting institutions?