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This book attempts to convey the different sociological contexts for how contemporary anarchist theory and practice is to be understood. It concentrates on the issue of broadening the parameters of how anarchist theory and practice is conceptualized. The book compares the major philosophical differences and strategies between the classical period (what Dave Morland calls 'social anarchism') and the contemporary anti-capitalist movements which he regards as being poststructuralist in nature. It also documents the emergence of the now highly influential anti-technological and anti-civilisational strand in anarchist thought. This offers something of a challenge to anarchism as a political philosophy of the Enlightenment, as well as to other contemporary versions of ecological anarchism and, to some extent, anarcho-communism. The book further provides a snapshot of a number of debates and critical positions which inform contemporary anarchist practice. The specific areas covered offer unique perspectives on sexuality, education, addiction and mental health aspects of socialisation and how this can be challenged at a number of different levels. The fact that anarchism has largely premised its critique on a psychological dimension to power relations, not just a material one, has been an advantage in this respect. Ecological anarchism, which has been the driving force behind much contemporary anarchist theory and practice, has been committed to thinking about the relationships between people and 'nature' in new ways.
Reflections on contemporary anarchism, anti-capitalism and the international scene
visible expressions of the Anarchist Travelling
Circus at economic summits and beyond are analysed in terms of their significance in allowing a central drama to unfold; as examples of ‘modern pilgrimages’ with the capacity to defamiliarise the familiar; and as examples of an
unlicensed carnival by inversion. Anarchism is a central characteristic of the
‘anti-capitalist/anti-globalisation’ movement, though much of the mainstream
Left has had trouble acknowledging this. Another central feature of the anti-capitalist movement is the significance of grassroots movements of
Laguiller, and the Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire’s Olivier
Besancenot, achieved in 2002 a combined score approaching three
million. The growing influence of la gauche de la gauche was accompanied
by the mushrooming of various militant groups and associations campaigning against racism, unemployment, homelessness and homophobia,
boosted from the turn of the century by an emerging anti-capitalist
movement spearheaded by individuals like the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu
and the anti-globalisation campaigner José Bové, and by groups like the
Attac association against
the major philosophical differences and strategies between the classical period (what he calls ‘social
anarchism’) and the contemporary anti-capitalistmovements which he regards
as being poststructuralist in nature. John Moore (chapter 3) acknowledges these
epistemological differences in his argument that the often-overlooked figure of
Max Stirner can be useful for understanding the impact of power on the formation of the Self, as well as prefiguring poststructuralist and situationist perspectives on revolutionary language. It is through an assessment of Stirner
structural epicentre of power.
Consequently, alternative modes of opposition are utilised to subvert the dynamics of the totalities. Resistance no longer confines itself to the political, to expressing itself against the bourgeoisie as the representatives of capital. Resistance now
assumes social and cultural forms. These modes of resistance and subversion are
central to the new social movements that constitute recent radical opposition,
expressed through, among other things, the anti-capitalist movement.
Recent media coverage of anti-capitalist protests would have us
contexts (in this instance, the anti-capitalist movement).
In such circumstances, the notion of a single anarchist subjectivity or human
nature becomes problematic, with significant implications for the forms of political action that one might take.
This is one of the principal themes of John Moore’s piece in terms of his
analysis of how power imprints itself on the anarchist ‘subject’ in some of the
first moments of life (and even before). Moore poses questions about power that
explore the interface between form and content, time and space, history and
memory in ways
diverse trajectories in and out of activism
are embedded in personal life stories. Activists, it is argued, are neither born, nor
aggressively recruited, into the EDL. They are neither duped by a charismatic
leader nor are they working-class anti-heroes. Their trajectories in and out of the
movement are prosaic rather than heroic. Moreover, in contrast to the decisive
entrances and exits into and from classic far right movements, activism in the
EDL resembles rather a ‘hokey-cokey’ in which activists repeatedly engage and
‘step-back’ as they marry the costs and
USSR removed an oppressive and corrupt form of Marxism that held back its
potential as an anti-capitalist movement. They claim that Marxism remains a
perceptive critique of capitalism and its class system – a critique
that has, they believe, increasing value in the modern
‘globalised’ economy of multi-national businesses and
international financial markets.
Anarchism in Northern Europe and the
Global and local forms of resistance to golf course development
Brad Millington and Brian Wilson
words, is devoted to ‘industry unfriendly’
environmental stances and their successes and failures.
In carrying out this analysis, we
focus on two anti-golf movements in particular: the Global Anti-Golf
Movement (GAGM), a very broad and flexible movement against golf;
and Tripping up Trump (TUT), which arose in response to one
particular course development project. GAGM is noteworthy, as we
shall see, for its staunch and outright rejection of golf. TUT
presents an interesting case too, first in its high