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Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

-interest. Social democrats have often believed individuals to possess a fundamental altruism that is suppressed by market capitalism, but which would flourish once appropriate social and economic reforms were in place (Titmuss, 1970: 209–24; cf. Baldwin, 1990). In the post-classic era by contrast, we have been exposed to new versions of those doctrines that stress individualistic self-interest in the form of a strange blend of market libertarianism and moral conservatism. Second, there have been constructivist conceptions which challenge the belief that there is any pre

in After the new social democracy
Rodney Barker

, rationality, and radical progress, and was actively promoted, just as Basque, Breton, and other minority languages and dialects were actively discouraged. In the twentieth century, Breton suffered after the Second World War by being associated with the Vichy regime, whilst by the century's end it had moved from right to left to become associated with radical decentralised democracy and popular choice against centralised conservatism. 66 There is a tension between the effectiveness of habitual identity and the lure of novelty

in Cultivating political and public identity
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

whether New Labour is forming a Left version of Christian Democracy (Marquand, 1998). Having flourished across Europe, Christian Democracy is broadly on the Centre-Right, embodying the idea of a social market where everyone is able to participate in the market economy regardless of social background. Capitalism can be humanised through welfare institutions, strong families and strong communities without the need for large-scale upheaval. Although never really taking hold in Britain (though the paternalistic conservatism that Thatcher swept away might be construed in

in After the new social democracy
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

. Essentially, the democratisation of welfare must represent a political alternative to conservatism and we spend much of the chapter analysing the obstacles in the path of that alternative and how they might be surmounted. This leads into a discussion of social movements and why such movements might offer an alternative to conservatism if they can build new constituencies with social democratic parties. We finish by exploring associative democ- TZP9 4/25/2005 4:57 PM Page 177 Democratising welfare 177 racy and concluding that association and deliberation are

in After the new social democracy
Tony Fitzpatrick

is not to insinuate that the security state is a product of the NSD; indeed, it would make more sense to reverse the relation and argue that the NSD is a product of the security state. More accurately, the NSD and the security state can be regarded as aspects of one another. The UK and the USA are two countries within which conservatism arguably took the greatest hold so that, in reworking the welfare state and then, in turn, being reworked by the more limited social democracy of Clinton and Blair, conservatism has fashioned a political agenda that we can

in After the new social democracy
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

and responsibilities. Effectively, my argument will be that if we are to be genuinely concerned with reciprocity and responsibility then we must attach them to a theory of egalitarian justice that I will term ‘equality of powers’. What the NSD conveniently ignores is that if egalitarian justice really is defunct, then not only does this eliminate radical alternatives to conservatism, it also gives us very little reason to support reciprocity, responsibility, etc., thus undermining the NSD itself. The case is established by reviewing two concepts in turn: justice and

in After the new social democracy
David Lloyd’s work
Laura Chrisman

’s contentious conclusion is that all racism has its roots in, and is explainable by, the categories of culture. This overlaps with the rather chapter7 21/12/04 11:19 am Page 131 Theorising race, racism and culture 131 different context of contemporary anti-racist British ideologies and policies in public sector services. And these, as Paul Gilroy points out, share an unfortunate overlap with ideologies and policies of contemporary conservatism: The most elementary lessons involved in studying ideas and consciousness seem to have been forgotten. Racism, like capitalism

in Postcolonial contraventions
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

TZP5 4/25/2005 4:52 PM Page 95 5 Productivism and beyond In Part I, we began by outlining the main principles of the NSD, using New Labour as our exemplar. I outlined the major criticisms and argued that the main problem with the NSD is that, although it should not be equated with conservatism, it fails to establish a distinct and convincing alternative to the conservative hegemony. Chapter 2 began to substantiate this position, defining the NSD as support for weak equality and strong reciprocity, in contrast to an alternative theory of distributive justice

in After the new social democracy
Jeremy C.A. Smith

contingent vein, Tokutomi imagines Japan’s prospects as shaped by colliding social forces (1989: 20–​1, 167–​82). Several scenarios were possible for Japan as domestic conservatism stood in contradiction with compelling international impulses. Furthermore, within Japan itself military and economic logics competed with each other and the outcome looked unclear. So Tokutomi’s sociology was not merely a replica of Spencerian evolutionism, but a more ambivalent account of a developmental pattern contingent on unpredictable contradictions. Optimistic about the future, but alert

in Debating civilisations
Open Access (free)
The oddity of democracy
Rodney Barker

). 5 Watt, Dress, Law and Naked Truth. 6 Boutling and Boulting, The Guinea Pig . 7 Quintin Hogg, The Case for Conservatism (West Drayton, UK: Penguin, 1947), p. 10

in Cultivating political and public identity