This book reviews a variety of approaches to the study of the European Union's foreign policy. Much analysis of EU foreign policy contains theoretical assumptions about the nature of the EU and its member states, their inter-relationships, the international system in which they operate and the nature of European integration. The book outlines the possibilities for the use of discourse analysis in the study of European foreign policy. It sets out to explore the research problem using a political-cultural approach and seeks to illuminate the cognitive mind-maps with which policy-makers interpret their political 'realities'. The book provides an overview and analysis of some of the non-realist approaches to international relations and foreign policy, and proposes an analytical framework with which to explore the complex interplay of factors affecting European foreign policy. The book suggests one way of seeking theoretical parsimony without sacriﬁcing the most deﬁning empirical knowledge which has been generated about Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) over the years. It argues that while the sui generis nature of CFSP presents an acute problem for international relations theory, it is less pronounced with regard to traditional integration theory. The book discusses the dimensions of European foreign policy-making with reference to the case of arms export controls. Situated at the interface between European studies and international relations, it outlines how the EU relates to the rest of the world, explaining its effort towards creating a credible, effective and principled foreign, security and defence policy.
Mobilising affect in feminist, queer and anti-racist media cultures
Edited by: Anu Koivunen, Katariina Kyrölä and Ingrid Ryberg
The power of vulnerability interrogates the new language of vulnerability that has emerged in feminist, queer and anti-racist debates about the production, use and meanings of media. The book investigates the historical legacies and contemporary forms and effects of this language. In today’s media culture, traumatic first-person or group narratives have popular currency, mobilising affect from compassion to rage to gain cultural visibility and political advantage. In this context, vulnerability becomes a kind of capital, a resource or an asset that can and has been appropriated for various groups and purposes in public discourses, activism as well as cultural institutions. Thus, politics of representation translates into politics of affect, and the question about whose vulnerability counts as socially and culturally legible and acknowledged. The contributors of the book examine how vulnerability has become a battleground; how affect and vulnerability have turned into a politicised language for not only addressing but also obscuring asymmetries of power; and how media activism and state policies address so-called vulnerable groups. While the contributors investigate the political potential as well as the constraints of vulnerability for feminist, queer and antiracist criticism, they also focus on the forms of agency and participation vulnerability can offer.
Labour and cultural change
This book is the first in the new series The Labour Governments 1964–70 and concentrates on Britain's domestic policy during Harold Wilson's tenure as Prime Minister. It deals, in particular, with how the Labour government and Labour party as a whole tried to come to terms with the 1960's cultural revolution. The book is grounded in original research, takes account of responses from Labour's grass roots and from Wilson's ministerial colleagues, and constructs a total history of the party at this critical moment in history. It situates Labour in its wider cultural context and focuses on how the party approached issues such as the apparent transformation of the class structure, the changing place of women in society, rising immigration, the widening generation gap, and increasing calls for direct participation in politics. Together with the other volumes in the series, on international policy and economic policy, the book provides an insight into the development of Britain under Harold Wilson's government.
Edited by: Tami Amanda Jacoby and Brent E. Sasley
For over five decades, the Cold War security agenda was distinguished by the principal strategic balance, that of a structure of bipolarity, between the United States (US) and the Soviet Union (USSR). This book seeks to draw from current developments in critical security studies in order to establish a new framework of inquiry for security in the Middle East. It addresses the need to redefine security in the Middle East. The focus is squarely on the Arab-Israeli context in general, and the Palestinian-Israeli context in particular. The character of Arab-Israeli relations are measured by the Israeli foreign policy debate from the 1950s to the 1990s. A dialogue between Islam and Islamism as a means to broaden the terrain on which conflict resolution and post-bipolar security in the Middle East is to be understood is presented. The Middle East peace process (MEPP) was an additional factor in problematizing the military-strategic concept of security in the Middle East. The shift in analysis from national security to human security reflects the transformations of the post-Cold War era by combining military with non-military concerns such as environmental damage, social unrest, economic mismanagement, cultural conflict, gender inequity and radical fundamentalism. By way of contrast to realist international relations (IR) theory, developing-world theorists have proposed a different set of variables to explain the unique challenges facing developing states. Finally, the book examines the significance of ecopolitics in security agendas in the Middle East.
why there is a relationship between sport and EU law. The EU’s policy involvement in sport extends beyond legal regulation. Article 3 also expresses the EU’s desire to expand into more social arenas. Since the 1984 Fontainebleau Summit, the EU has attempted to extend European integration beyond the economic field by establishing a ‘people’s Europe’. In order to do so the EU intends to use sport to implement a range of social, cultural and educational policy objectives outlined in Article 3. However, the excessive commercialisation of sport combined with legal
to sport has emerged. This implies the birth of EU sports law, which has had the result of shifting the nature of sports regulation towards a socio-cultural model of regulation. EU interventions in sport do not simply reflect a desire to correct market distortions or restrictions. Judicial intervention is sensitive to the requirements of current EU sports policy. As such, it is no longer appropriate to refer to the EU’s regulation of sport as an example of sport and the law. Rather, by defining separate territories of sporting autonomy and judicial intervention
A political–cultural approach
central research problem is to explore the relevance of the state and investigate whether the agency of foreign policy is now increasingly conceived on the European level by policy-makers. This chapter sets out to explore this research problem using a political– cultural approach and seeks to illuminate the cognitive mind-maps with which policy-makers interpret their political ‘realities’. Culture is
. More than any other academic field, cultural studies provides the potential for new forms of teaching, learning and knowledge that are local-based and people-led. I would go further and suggest that cultural studies also provides the potential for new forms of cultural production and policy. South African cultural studies could provide an institutional matrix in which the traditional distinctions between academic and aesthetic production, like those between theoretical reflection and policy development, are deliberately interrogated, challenged and transformed. The
organisations. In addition to these essentially economic/legal venues, sport was also linked to a range of socio-economic and cultural policies. Sport was discussed as a health, safety and ethics issue. In this connection, anti-doping measures are of greatest significance. Although more systematic anti-doping measures have been agreed post Bosman, doping issues were on the agenda in 1990 when a Council Resolution examined measures to combat doping within the structure already established by the Council of Europe.1 The EU has also been involved in sports in related measures
penetrated by political arguments (Radaelli 1999a). As illustrated in Chapters 4 and 5, sport emerged on to the EU’s systemic agenda through the ECJ rulings in Walrave, Donà and Bosman. It was then transferred to the institutional agenda through the quasi-legal venue of the Competition Policy Directorate. As such, the sports policy subsystem was initially dominated by legal Single Market regulatory norms as opposed to the essentially political socio-cultural arguments advanced by Adonnino (see Chapter 1 and below). The Adonnino sporting agenda stressed the social