worst of its rippling social consequences rebelled against systemic
injustices. Left-leaning protest movements of indignados took to the streets. They
rejected economic austerity and promoted progressive social reform. But they soon became
marginal to the spreading politics of anger. In the main, the global backlash is now directed
against progressive neoliberalism – the dominant ideological variant of late liberalism
– with its ‘flexibilisation’ of everything in the economic sphere and its
disintegration of tradition in the social sphere
than how it ought to be . In celebrating the positive demand for empathy,
humility and resilience, adaptive design supplants the call for systemic change. This
conservatism is an example of how a progressive neoliberalism ( Fraser, 2017 ) is dissolving and sapping the powers of resistance ( Han, 2010 ). The excessive positivity of adaptive design,
its endless willingness to happily fail-forward into the future, suits the economic logic of
late-capitalism. 2 To draw this out, it is
necessary to first review the latter’s greatest achievement
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez and Sylvain Landry B. Faye
Leone. There were significant regional and national differences in local health and economic needs, national histories and authorities’ handling of community engagement. However, our comparative approach also illustrates how, across the three countries, social life, communal trust and political legitimacy worked around, through and in conflict with formal and informal community engagement interventions and local leadership structures. The narratives we present below reveal the restricted range of options for humanitarian NGOs and state representatives in encounters
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade],
were only for the capitalist world. There was an order, which, in theory, combined Western
democracy with a more-or-less regulated capitalism: the so-called liberal order – although
perhaps ‘liberal’ isn’t the most precise term, either in political or
economic terms. There were of course other characteristics. The promotion of human rights became
one, for example, albeit selective. When South Korea was still under dictatorship, we would ask
‘What about South Korea? Shouldn’t it also be expected to respect human
‘reforms’. 3 This
‘catastrophic’ decision ( AFP, 2018 ) was
widely denounced around the world as a form of collective punishment against the Palestinian
people ( Bachner, 2018 ; Dumper, 2018 ). By the end of August 2018, when the US Government announced
its decision to completely defund UNRWA, commentators identified this as part of a strategy to
force Palestinian refugees to rescind the Right of Return to Palestine (a right set out in UNGA
Resolution 194). 4 Many noted that undermining
the Agency’s capacity to deliver relief and services
Introduction The modern global humanitarian system takes the form it does because it is underpinned by
liberal world order, the post-1945 successor to the imperial world of the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries and the global political and economic system the European empires created.
Humanitarian space, as we have come to know it in the late twentieth century, is liberal space,
even if many of those engaged in humanitarian action would rather not see themselves as liberals.
To the extent that there is something constitutively liberal about
The Asian financial crisis of 1997-98 shook the foundations of the global economy and what began as a localised currency crisis soon engulfed the entire Asian region. This book explores what went wrong and how did the Asian economies long considered 'miracles' respond, among other things. The combined effects of growing unemployment, rising inflation, and the absence of a meaningful social safety-net system, pushed large numbers of displaced workers and their families into poverty. Resolving Thailand's notorious non-performing loans problem will depend on the fortunes of the country's real economy, and on the success of Thai Asset Management Corporation (TAMC). Under International Monetary Fund's (IMF) oversight, the Indonesian government has also taken steps to deal with the massive debt problem. After Indonesian Debt Restructuring Agency's (INDRA) failure, the Indonesian government passed the Company Bankruptcy and Debt Restructuring and/or Rehabilitation Act to facilitate reorganization of illiquid, but financially viable companies. Economic reforms in Korea were started by Kim Dae-Jung. the partial convertibility of the Renminbi (RMB), not being heavy burdened with short-term debt liabilities, and rapid foreign trade explains China's remarkable immunity to the "Asian flu". The proposed sovereign debt restructuring mechanism (SDRM) (modeled on corporate bankruptcy law) would allow countries to seek legal protection from creditors that stand in the way of restructuring, and in exchange debtors would have to negotiate with their creditors in good faith.
This book considers the underlying causes of the end of social democracy's golden age. It argues that the cross-national trend in social democratic parties since the 1970s has been towards an accommodation with neo-liberalism and a corresponding dilution of traditional social democratic commitments. The book looks at the impact of the change in economic conditions on social democracy in general, before examining the specific cases of Germany, Sweden and Australia. It examines the ideological crisis that engulfed social democracy. The book also looks at the post-1970 development of social policy, its fiscal implications and economic consequences in three European countries. It considers the evolution of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) from its re-emergence as a significant political force during the 1970s until the present day under José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. The book also examines the evolution of the Swedish model in conjunction with social democratic reformism and the party's relations to the union movement. It explores the latest debate about what the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) stands for. The SPD became the role model for programmatic modernisation for the European centre-left. The book considers how British socialist and social democratic thought from the late nineteenth century to the present has treated the objective of helping people to fulfil their potential, talents and ambitions. It aims to contribute to a broader conversation about the future of social democracy by considering ways in which the political thought of 'third way' social democracy might be radicalised for the twenty-first century.
Decline in manufacturing industry in the UK
% of male workforce
% of female workforce
Source: Office for National Statistics.
Understanding British and European political issues
The most serious effects of this process were experienced in the 1970s and
1980s. The economy failed to adjust to the new realities and economic decline
worsened. Towards the end of the 1980s, however, progress began to be made.
Partly as a result of the reforms of the Thatcher era, which are described below,
and partly fuelled by the strength of
substance, land reforms in the south east European Staatsnationen was
meant to achieve the following goals:
To carry through an ‘act of justice’ mainly by retrenching the latifundist
regime in order to apportion ‘the land to the peasants’. Land reforms were
intended to ﬁnd a solution to the ‘social question’ which, given the speciﬁc
socio-economic situation in south east Europe (as in several other societies),
is above all an ‘agrarian question’.
To create an economic basis for the rise or growth of a rural ‘middle class’ or