Chap 15 6/5/03 3:16 pm Page 295 Feminism 15 Feminism is one of the most recent ideologies to emerge, although its origins can be traced far back into history. We examine its historical roots and identify and discuss the different forms of feminism that have developed over the last two centuries. We then link feminism with other ideologies and conclude with a critique and assessment of feminism in the modern world. POINTS TO CONSIDER ➤ Since feminism is ignored in so many areas of key importance in other ideologies, is the term ‘ideology’ really appropriate
59 4 FEMINIST HURT/ FEMINISM HURTS1 Sa r a Ah me d I n my last post, I explored the question of fragility (Ahmed, 2014e). Behind my exploration was a reposing of the question of response and responsibility: how can we respond to the histories that leave some bodies, some relationships, more fragile than others? How can we face up to those histories of losing face? We can be shattered by what we come up against. And then we come up against it again. We can be exhausted by what we come up against. And then we come up against it again. The question of
Pacifist feminism in Britain, 1870–1902
This book explores the pervasive influence of pacifism on Victorian feminism. It provides an account of Victorian women who campaigned for peace, and of the many feminists who incorporated pacifist ideas into their writing on women and gender. The book explores feminists' ideas about the role of women within the empire, their eligibility for citizenship, and their ability to act as moral guardians in public life. It shows that such ideas made use – in varying ways – of gendered understandings of the role of force and the relevance of arbitration and other pacifist strategies. The book examines the work of a wide range of individuals and organisations, from well-known feminists such as Lydia Becker, Josephine Butler and Millicent Garrett Fawcett to lesser-known figures such as the Quaker pacifists Ellen Robinson and Priscilla Peckover.
A guide for A2 politics students
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd
In liberal democracies there is a belief that citizens ought to take an active interest in what is happening in the political world. Political debate in modern Western democracies is a complex and often rowdy affair. There are three fundamental political issues: 'politics', 'power' and 'justice', which feature in almost all political discussions and conflicts. The book assesses the degree to which the state and state sovereignty are disappearing in the modern world of 'globalised' politics, economics and culture and new international institutions. The main features of the nation and the problems of defining it are outlined: population, culture, history, language, religion, and race. Different types of democracy and their most important features are discussed. 'Freedom' is usually claimed to be the prime objective of political activity. The book discusses equality of human rights, distributional equality, equality before the law, the claims for group equality on the grounds of race, gender, class. Rights, obligations and citizenship are closely associated. Ideology is the driving force of political discourse. The book also discusses nationalism's growth and development over the last two centuries with particular reference to its main features and assumptions. It outlines the development of conservatism as a political ideology and movement in Britain during the last two centuries. An overview of liberalism, socialism, Marxism, anarchism, and Fascism follows. Environmentalism and feminism are also discussed. Finally, the book talks about how ideological change occurs and stresses the importance of rationality in politics.
Mobilising affect in feminist, queer and anti-racist media cultures
Edited by: Anu Koivunen, Katariina Kyrölä and Ingrid Ryberg
The power of vulnerability interrogates the new language of vulnerability that has emerged in feminist, queer and anti-racist debates about the production, use and meanings of media. The book investigates the historical legacies and contemporary forms and effects of this language. In today’s media culture, traumatic first-person or group narratives have popular currency, mobilising affect from compassion to rage to gain cultural visibility and political advantage. In this context, vulnerability becomes a kind of capital, a resource or an asset that can and has been appropriated for various groups and purposes in public discourses, activism as well as cultural institutions. Thus, politics of representation translates into politics of affect, and the question about whose vulnerability counts as socially and culturally legible and acknowledged. The contributors of the book examine how vulnerability has become a battleground; how affect and vulnerability have turned into a politicised language for not only addressing but also obscuring asymmetries of power; and how media activism and state policies address so-called vulnerable groups. While the contributors investigate the political potential as well as the constraints of vulnerability for feminist, queer and antiracist criticism, they also focus on the forms of agency and participation vulnerability can offer.
Gender and narrative in the postcolonial nation
Why is the nation in a post-colonial world so often seen as a motherland? This study explores the relationship between gender icons and foundational fictions of the nation in different post-colonial spaces. The author's work on the intersections between independence, nationalism and gender has already proved canonical in the field. This book combines her keynote essays on the mother figure and the post-colonial nation with new work on male autobiography, ‘daughter’ writers, the colonial body, the trauma of the post-colony and the nation in a transnational context. Focusing on Africa as well as South Asia, and sexuality as well as gender, the author offers close readings of writers ranging from Chinua Achebe, Ben Okri and Nelson Mandela to Arundhati Roy and Yvonne Vera, shaping these into a critical engagement with theorists of the nation such as Fredric Jameson and Partha Chatterjee. Moving beyond cynical deconstructions of the post-colony, the book mounts a reassessment of the post-colonial nation as a site of potential empowerment, as a ‘paradoxical refuge’ in a globalised world. It acts on its own impassioned argument that post-colonial and nation-state studies address substantively issues hitherto raised chiefly within international feminism.
Critical encounters between state and world
Edited by: Patrick Hayden and Kate Schick
Recognition and Global Politics examines the potential and limitations of the discourse of recognition as a strategy for reframing justice and injustice within contemporary world affairs. Drawing on resources from social and political theory and international relations theory, as well as feminist theory, postcolonial studies and social psychology, this ambitious collection explores a range of political struggles, social movements and sites of opposition that have shaped certain practices and informed contentious debates in the language of recognition.
Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain
introduction Introduction Paciﬁsm and feminism in Victorian Britain War is an essentially masculine pursuit. Women do not as a rule seek to quench their differences in blood. Fighting is not natural to them. (Lydia Becker)1 It is the truest form of patriotism to do our utmost to save our country from the crime and shame of an unjust war. (Priscilla Peckover)2 I n 1870, the outbreak of war between France and Prussia prompted many of the women active in the emergent feminist movement to consider their position on the use of physical force. In doing so, some
conclusion Conclusion Within the historiography of pacifist feminism, there has been a general reluctance to look further back than the First World War. The wide range of literature on the Victorian women’s movement which has been produced over the last twenty years has either neglected the fact that many feminists were active in campaigns for international peace, or has listed ‘peace’ as a women’s issue during the late nineteenth century without offering any further analysis of how women were involved, or what they did in this connection.1 The obvious exception
Jurgette Honculada and Rosalinda Pineda Ofreneo
to deliver. The National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women (NCRFW) has had a long and chequered history, often interwoven with the twists and turns of Philippine feminism. Placed directly under the Office of the President, it was founded during the Marcos period of dictatorship (1975–86), strengthened during the Aquino era of restored but still limited democracy (1986–92) and further expanded during the Ramos regime which placed both globalization and gender mainstreaming onto the agenda (1992–98). Twice has the women’s movement played midwife to the NCRFW