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Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

different agencies ( Bradley, 2016 ; Schneiker, 2012 ). Nonetheless there are many commonalities, and this article focuses on general trends, albeit at the expense of some detail. ‘Staff security’ and ‘civilian protection’ comprise two clearly distinguished fields of practice within the broader field of international humanitarianism, with their own sets of handbooks, guidelines and best practices, and managed by their own professional staff. That said, security strategies are often different – and frequently less comprehensive – for national staff as compared with

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction

precursors to these studies included those of Mark Duffield, who in a seminal article denounced the ‘bunkerisation’ of NGOs ( Duffield, 2010 ) and then, alongside Sarah Collinson and others, the ‘paradoxes of presence’ ( Collinson et al ., 2013 ). However, the exchange of field practices remains limited and the academic and policy critique of security practices does not seem to have had the impact it warrants. It is largely to this gap in knowledge that this issue attempts to respond, by

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

, declarations and military and humanitarian interventions, in relation to human rights and democracy) between 1999 and 2007 towards the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. I did not find any patterns that could fully explain the EU’s action or inaction: not a country’s size, nor its former colonial masters, its natural resources, the Member State presiding over the EU, nor even the African target country’s human rights or humanitarian situation. After a stint at the European Commission’s Directorate General of External Affairs, I also came to reject

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

major global power – I am of course referring to the US – doesn’t have a project for the world. It is evident that the US has always defended its own interests, but it always imagined or at least presented its interests – I’m not casting a value judgement here – as linked to a project for the world. Following the Second World War, it was the Americans who assumed primary responsibility for the creation of the international system, starting with Roosevelt. Some international institutions were accessible to all states, others, like the GATT [General

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

resonated favourably both in the halls of power and in public opinion, and imperial France seemed particularly open to it. The first president of the new humanitarian society was a former officer in Napoleon III’s army: Swiss general Guillaume-Henri Dufour. This serves as a reminder that the laws of war ( jus in bello ) are first and foremost the business of the belligerents – the political powers – and that the terms of humanitarian conventions have always been negotiated by plenipotentiaries and generals from the signatory states. Such laws are not just the work of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse

citizen movements that have been at the forefront of the emergency response. Similarly inspired by cosmopolitan ideals, these groups tend to use more political language than conventional NGOs, presenting their relief activities as a form of direct resistance to nationalist politics and xenophobia. As liberal humanitarianism is challenged in its European heartland, they are developing – through practice – a new model of humanitarian engagement. SOS MEDITERRANEE is an ad hoc citizen initiative founded in 2015 to prevent the death of people crossing the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

practicality prevents it). This is the same foundational commitment that animates human rights work. The humanist core to both of these forms of social practice is a similar kind of belief in the ultimate priority of moral claims made by human beings as human beings rather than as possessors of any markers of identity or citizenship. What differences exist between humanitarianism and human rights are largely sociological – the contextual specifics of the evolution of two different forms of social activism. I have argued elsewhere, for example, that the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From the Global to the Local

Palestine and the ‘special economic zones’ of Jordan, it may appear ironic that ‘one of the largest employers of Palestine refugees’ ( UNRWA, 2016 : 48) is being targeted for ‘disruption’ by the US Administration. However, rather than a total disjuncture between ‘the great deal’ and UNRWA’s employment practices, some (uncomfortable) continuities can be identified between them: UNRWA has provided tens of thousands of jobs to Palestinians across the region, while being unable to secure Palestinians’ political rights, including the collective

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

observe that the humanitarian world has never really known how to think about its own political role. The neutrality of the International Committee of the Red Cross, though not quite as complete as the organisation claims, is real enough in practice. But as the custodian of the Geneva Conventions, the ICRC has an international legal status that no other relief organisation can claim. Yes, major private voluntary relief groups have accepted various codes of conduct, but their adherence to these codes is ultimately voluntary. It remains the case that

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War

concrete ways in which healthcare practices adapt in the face of attacks and how these may reveal and put to the test the reciprocal expectations binding international and local health practitioners in crisis situations. Context The Republic of South Sudan was proclaimed as a new, independent nation on 9 July 2011, following decades of civil war in Sudan and six years after the Sudanese government in Khartoum and the main rebel movement of South Sudan, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M), signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). MSF had been

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs