than how it ought to be . In celebrating the positive demand for empathy,
humility and resilience, adaptive design supplants the call for systemic change. This
conservatism is an example of how a progressive neoliberalism ( Fraser, 2017 ) is dissolving and sapping the powers of resistance ( Han, 2010 ). The excessive positivity of adaptive design,
its endless willingness to happily fail-forward into the future, suits the economic logic of
late-capitalism. 2 To draw this out, it is
necessary to first review the latter’s greatest achievement
James Baldwin, the Religious Right, and the Moral
In the 1980s, James Baldwin recognized that a major transformation had occurred in the
socio-political functions of religion. His critique adapted accordingly, focusing on the
ways in which religion—particularly white evangelical Christianity—had morphed into a
movement deeply enmeshed with mass media, conservativepolitics, and late capitalism.
Religion in the Reagan era was leveraged, sold, and consumed in ways never before seen,
from charismatic televangelists, to Christian-themed amusement parks, to mega-churches.
The new movement was often characterized as the “religious right” or the “Moral Majority”
and was central to both Reagan’s political coalition as well as the broader culture wars.
For Baldwin, this development had wide-ranging ramifications for society and the
individual. This article draws on Baldwin’s final major essay, “To Crush the Serpent”
(1987), to examine the author’s evolving thoughts on religion, salvation, and
transgression in the context of the Reagan era.
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade],
were only for the capitalist world. There was an order, which, in theory, combined Western
democracy with a more-or-less regulated capitalism: the so-called liberal order – although
perhaps ‘liberal’ isn’t the most precise term, either in political or
economic terms. There were of course other characteristics. The promotion of human rights became
one, for example, albeit selective. When South Korea was still under dictatorship, we would ask
‘What about South Korea? Shouldn’t it also be expected to respect human
Introduction The modern global humanitarian system takes the form it does because it is underpinned by
liberal world order, the post-1945 successor to the imperial world of the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries and the global political and economic system the European empires created.
Humanitarian space, as we have come to know it in the late twentieth century, is liberal space,
even if many of those engaged in humanitarian action would rather not see themselves as liberals.
To the extent that there is something constitutively liberal about
challenging anarchist approach to technology currently available.1
Starting from the late 1970s, the Fifth Estate (hereafter FE) began to put
forward the argument that the technologies of capitalism cannot be separated
from the socioeconomic system itself. Inspired and influenced by a number of
writers, including Karl Marx, Jacques Ellul and Jacques Camatte, it began to
conceptualise modern technology as constituting a system of domination itself,
one which interlinks and interacts with the economic processes of capitalism to
create a new social form, a ‘megamachine’ which
). The premise of this chapter is that the changes
that have occurred in Irish society over the past ten years can be better
understood if they are viewed in terms of the shifts in patterns of economic
production. Changes in capitalism have resulted in a transformation of
family structure, sex and sexuality and, ultimately, the lives of Irish women.
One of the defining features of the Celtic Tiger era has been the sheer
number of women with children who are returning to the workforce. Since
the early 1990s, women have been entering the workforce in large numbers
this heterodox medical practice. Phrenology had enjoyed widespread, if controversial, application within Western medicine in the century's first decades, but by the 1840s, it had been marginalised and largely branded as quackery, as laboratory-based biomedicine increasingly monopolised the medical marketplace.
Phrenology began in the late eighteenth century under the Viennese physician Franz Joseph Gall, who argued that the brain is an aggregate of mental ‘organs’, each with localised and specific functions such as fidelity, ambition, or poetic
This book argues that John Dewey should be read as a philosopher of globalization rather than as a 'local' American philosopher. Although Dewey's political philosophy was rooted in late nineteenth and early twentieth century America, it was more importantly about the role of America in a globalized world. The book highlights how Dewey's defence of democracy in the context of what he denotes as the Great Society leads him to confront the problems of globalization and global democracy. Then, it explores how Dewey's conception of creative democracy had global connotations. The book examines how Dewey problematized his own conception of democracy through arguing that the public within modern nation states was 'eclipsed' under the regime he called 'bourgeois democracy'. Then, it shifts the terrain of Dewey's global focus to ideas of global justice and equality. The book demonstrates that Dewey's idea of global democracy was linked with an idea of global equality, which would secure social intelligence on a global scale. It outlines the key Deweyan lessons about the problem of global democracy. The book shows how Dewey sets out an evolutionary form of global and national democracy in his work. Finally, it also outlines how Dewey believed liberal capitalism was unable to support social intelligence and needed replacing with a form of democratic socialism.
relatively recent phenomena. A significant expansion in the role of markets occurred first in Great
Britain around the beginning of the eighteenth century, and later spread to
continental Europe, and the United States, still later to Japan, and more
recently to large portions of the world. Of course certain kinds of markets
have existed from virtually the dawn of history, but until recently were
central in only a small portion of human activity. It is the pervasiveness of
markets and of the system that came to be called capitalism that are relatively
new on the historical
and alienated by the totality of existing conditions . . . [and for that reason we]
. . . need to examine the socio-economic-cultural framework underpinning the
contemporary system of power relations and latecapitalism’.
Passages such as this reveal how anarchists now look beyond capitalism to a
broader and perhaps more insidious system that perpetuates oppression. Here
metaphors of interconnectivity abound as anarchists uncover oppression and
power across a wider totality. Thus Moore (1997a: 159) suggests that ‘the focus
of anarchism is not the