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Editor’s Introduction

institutions were then often used, and even designed, explicitly as vehicles for the pursuit of US interests: the World Food Programme, for example, was established in 1961 to channel American agricultural surplus to the developing world. Liberal internationalism as we know it today, with its particular political and cultural associations with the US, is a product of the 1970s. As Samuel Moyn has argued, it was in the second half of that decade that human rights had its first breakthrough as a cosmopolitan political agenda to promote individual

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

in the structures of the global system. But in making this claim, all they have really said is that their politics are those of liberal internationalism, whether in its American imperial form or its somewhat more egalitarian European iteration. And the great genius of liberalism is that it is the only political ideology in the history of the world that insists that it is not an ideology at all. But the politics of relief organisations has often been exposed, as in the 1980s when many effectively supported the Afghan mujahedeen in its fight against

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The evolution of Labour’s foreign policy, 1900–51

This is the first book in a two-volume set that traces the evolution of the Labour Party's foreign policy throughout the twentieth century and into the early years of the new millennium. It is a comprehensive study of the political ideology and history of the Labour Party's world-view and foreign policy. The set argues that the development of Labour's foreign policy perspective should be seen not as the development of a socialist foreign policy, but as an application of the ideas of liberal internationalism. The first volume outlines and assesses the early development and evolution of Labour's world-view. It then follows the course of the Labour Party's foreign policy during a tumultuous period on the international stage, including the First World War, the Russian Revolution, the Spanish Civil War, the build-up to and violent reality of the Second World War, and the start of the Cold War. The book provides an analysis of Labour's foreign policy during this period, in which Labour experienced power for the first time.

arguing in The Great Illusion that war was impossible; rather, he had argued that a modern nation cannot profit by conquest, ‘the argument is not that war is impossible, but that it is futile.’46 These issues are explored in more depth below. Many in the UDC supported Britain’s role in the First World War, while denouncing the war itself. Each of these five main influences had their own particular impact on the development of Labour’s foreign policy. The radical Liberals obviously contributed greatly to Labour’s liberal internationalism, while the Marxists, the trade

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)

liberal economists of an earlier era. To some extent, Margaret Thatcher’s governments in the 1980s adopted their values, with mixed results, but by the end of the twentieth century Keynesian demand management was back in fashion, up to a point. A commitment to internationalism This is an oft-neglected theme of liberalism, but it is important. Its practical application found expression in the liberal emphasis

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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more limited time frame of 1945 to 1951. Gordon’s typology of Labour’s ‘socialist’ foreign policy had the following four main principles: internationalism, international working-class solidarity, anti-capitalism and anti-militarism or antipathy to power politics.21 Eric Shaw, in his unpublished thesis, outlined two ideal types of socialist approach to foreign policy, a social-democratic Marxist doctrine and a radical democrat doctrine, based on the following principles of a socialist foreign policy: the rejection of power politics; liberal internationalism; socialist

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)

alternative to the traditional, power politics or realist approach of British foreign policy, which had stressed national self-interest. This alternative was internationalism, which stressed cooperation and interdependence, and a concern with the international as well as the national interest. In this, the most important influence on Labour’s foreign policy were liberal views of international relations, but Labour’s internationalism also arises from certain meta-principles of Labour’s ideology, which have influenced Labour’s external principles and policies as much as its

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)

’s articles on European pacifist women provide an international context for the British women who are discussed here.3 Her examination of the role of women within the Continental peace movement has highlighted trends of liberal internationalism and republican or radical internationalism. She notes that ‘those who complained in later years that the movement was timid, passive and negative were luxuriating in selective memory, if not historical amnesia’.4 Her studies of women’s peace work in Italy, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Austro-Hungary provide a useful means of

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain

conception of international citizenship, as envisaged by Florence Fenwick Miller and Henrietta Müller, who both used ideas of sisterhood to gloss over the power differentials inherent in international relations. These liberal ideas can be contrasted with, on the one hand, socialist internationalism, and on the other, more jingoistic forms of imperialism. Towards the end of the period of study it is possible to identify socialist women such as Isabella Ford and Emmeline Pankhurst as taking an interest in anti-militarist arguments, although they typically maintained an

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
British women in international politics

were binding on the regional Committees, and any organisation that had women’s suffrage as one of its aims, rather than its primary aim, could affiliate to the Society. This would in effect have allowed Women’s Liberal Federation branches to affiliate to the CCNSWS, a proposal to which Conservative and Liberal Unionist suffragists were vehemently opposed. The drive for the new rules was led by Mrs Frank Morrison and Leonard Courtney, and was supported by many of the IAPA women discussed in chapters 7 and 8, including Laura Ormiston Chant and Florence Balgarnie

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’