James Baldwin, the Religious Right, and the Moral
In the 1980s, James Baldwin recognized that a major transformation had occurred in the
socio-political functions of religion. His critique adapted accordingly, focusing on the
ways in which religion—particularly white evangelical Christianity—had morphed into a
movement deeply enmeshed with mass media, conservativepolitics, and late capitalism.
Religion in the Reagan era was leveraged, sold, and consumed in ways never before seen,
from charismatic televangelists, to Christian-themed amusement parks, to mega-churches.
The new movement was often characterized as the “religious right” or the “Moral Majority”
and was central to both Reagan’s political coalition as well as the broader culture wars.
For Baldwin, this development had wide-ranging ramifications for society and the
individual. This article draws on Baldwin’s final major essay, “To Crush the Serpent”
(1987), to examine the author’s evolving thoughts on religion, salvation, and
transgression in the context of the Reagan era.
(accessed 3 October 2018) . Solon ,
O. ( 2017 ),
‘ Syria’s White Helmets Became Victims of an Online Propaganda
Machine ’, Guardian , 18
December , www.theguardian.com/world/2017/dec/18/syria-white-helmets-conspiracy-theories
(accessed 20 March 2019) . Swift ,
A. ( 2016 ),
‘ Americans’ Trust in MassMedia Sinks to New
Low ’, Gallup , 14
September , http://news.gallup.com/poll/195542/americans-trust-mass-media
Introduction The much touted technologising of humanitarian space has brought many useful
innovations. The use of cell-phones, satellites, drones, social-media platforms,
digital cash and biometric technology has changed how things are done, the speed and
cost of doing them and from where and by whom they can be done ( Sandvik, 2019 ). A central part of what
these technologies accomplish is to generate data ( Burns, 2015 ; Crawford and
Finn, 2015 ; Fast, 2017 ; Read et al
Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation
turn impersonal and soulless ‘non-places’ ( Augé, 1995 ) into ‘places for
people’ ( Delugan-Meissl et
al. , 2016 ). The idea left a real impression, especially as I
had spent much of that year examining mass refugee shelters in cities such as
Berlin, where the vast Tempelhof airport had become a symbol of a bureaucratic and
unhomely response. I was so impressed by the Austrian pavilion that, a few months
later, I travelled to Vienna to visit the projects and speak
even those inspired by
anti-communism were cautious about structural integration into Western security strategies. At
the beginning of the 1990s, NGOs shrugged off their scepticism for the morality of state power,
working more closely with Western military forces. Private and government funding for
humanitarian operations increased. With the help of news media, humanitarian agencies boosted
their political capital, presenting themselves as providers of public moral conscience for the
West. A new political economy of humanitarian aid developed
and UNICEF from 2011 to March 2018, with the start
of this service clearly coinciding with the onset of the mass displacement of refugees from
Syria to Lebanon and the acknowledgment of the particular vulnerabilities that
all Palestinians in Lebanon would be facing as a result. In turn, the copayment
service had been introduced in 2017 as a ‘complementary step to the adjusted
hospitalization policy’ for particularly vulnerable Palestinians living in Lebanon, with
‘UNRWA finance[ing] this service outside the Health Program Budget, through
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.
the premier races, with their
sustained dramatic action, contributed to the creation of an emerging mass culture. In the late 1930s the first television coverage arrived.
The inter-relationships between racing and British culture, society and the
media were ambiguous, complicated and subtle. The following sections explore
the highly complex, sophisticated and resolutely populist cultural representations of racing and betting in the massmedia, whose ideological power and
dominant, negotiated and oppositional influences played a crucial role in fostering British
The ethics and politics of memory in an age of mass culture
, and by addressing the individual body in the intimate ways
that they do, these technologies of reproduction serve as particularly
powerful conduits for the generation of empathy.
One of the most dramatic instances of how the massmedia
generate empathy is through the production and dissemination of memory.
Such memories bridge the temporal chasms that separate individuals from
the meaningful and
Security and complex political emergencies instead of development
Gorm Rye Olsen
Africa during the 1990s.
Secondly, the issue of humanitarian aid in emergency situations is scrutinised.
Gorm Rye Olsen
This section includes a separate discussion of the role of the massmedia
because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political
reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The third section deals with aspects
of the foreign and security policy that relate to development and crisis
In order to have a framework for interpreting Europe’s Africa policy of
the 1990s, apart from a short