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Iseult Honohan

Introduction In his illuminating essay Rainer Bauböck advances a comprehensive approach to the question of how to determine membership of a democratic political community, that takes into account alternative theoretical principles, a variety of kinds of contemporary membership claims, and the complexities of current multiple levels of political structures. He identifies his all citizen stakeholders

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Democratic inclusion

Rainer Bauböck in dialogue

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Edited by: Rainer Bauböck

This book addresses the major theoretical and practical issues of the forms of citizenship and access to citizenship in different types of polity, and the specification and justification of rights of non-citizen immigrants as well as non-resident citizens. It also addresses the conditions under which norms governing citizenship can legitimately vary. The book discusses the principles of including all affected interests (AAI), all subject to coercion (ASC) and all citizenship stakeholders (ACS). They complement each other because they serve distinct purposes of democratic inclusion. The book proposes that democratic inclusion principles specify a relation between an individual or group that has an inclusion claim and a political community that aims to achieve democratic legitimacy for its political decisions and institutions. It contextualizes the principle of stakeholder inclusion, which provides the best answer to the question of democratic boundaries of membership, by applying it to polities of different types. The book distinguishes state, local and regional polities and argues that they differ in their membership character. It examines how a principle of stakeholder inclusion applies to polities of different types. The book illustrates the difference between consensual and automatic modes of inclusion by considering the contrast between birthright acquisition of citizenship, which is generally automatic, and naturalization, which requires an application.

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Will Kymlicka and Sue Donaldson

Rainer Bauböck's essay argues persuasively that our account of democratic inclusion needs to be more complex than is usually recognized. Whereas most authors attempt to identify a single fundamental principle of democratic inclusion – whether it is the all affected interests principle or the all subjected to coercion principle or some social membership/stakeholder principle – Bauböck shows that there are different types

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Neil McNaughton

Britain and Issues concerning the European womenUnion Britain and the European Union 249 16 ➤ The background to British membership ➤ The main impacts of British membership ➤ The ways in which the party system has been affected by the EU ➤ Future prospects for British involvement THE STORY OF BRITISH MEMBERSHIP Britain stays out When serious discussions began to establish a successor to the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in 1956, Britain made it clear that it was not intending to join any new organisation. Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, a

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Ireland

Modernisation via Europeanisation

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Brigid Laffan

2444Ch10 3/12/02 10 2:04 pm Page 248 Brigid Laffan Ireland: modernisation via Europeanisation Introduction: EU membership as part of the National Project Membership of the European Union since 1973 represented for Ireland the achievement of a roof or a shelter for its national project of modernisation. Following a re-assessment of Ireland’s economic policy in 1958, when a decision was taken to pursue external-led economic growth financed by multinational investment, membership of the large European market with its CAP became highly desirable. Economic

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Austria

Domestic change through European integration

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Otmar Höll, Johannes Pollack and Sonja Puntscher-Riekmann

partnership’.2 In its international orientation membership in the UN (1955) and in the Council of Europe (1956) was achieved shortly after the State Treaty in May 1955 was signed and the Constitutional Law on permanent neutrality as the condition for regaining independence was adopted. Together with the socio-economic success story these factors formed the basis of a so far unknown strong popular identification with the ‘Austrian Nation’.3 While it maintained a rigid attitude on military aspects of permanent neutrality, Austrian politicians showed a more flexible stance in

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David Owen

of the populus, a citizen of the polity, but not who is entitled to be a member of the demos. In this section, I advance this argument by distinguishing different types of membership of the demos and focusing on what I will call the authorial membership of the demos. In the following section, I argue that we have reason to distinguish between populus and authorial membership of the demos in addressing the issues identified by Bauböck

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Democratic inclusion

A pluralist theory of citizenship

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Rainer Bauböck

into account when withdrawing nationality and the more recent moves in several EU states to deprive citizens joining a terrorist organization of their nationality; the Scottish referendum on independence in November 2014 and the nearly simultaneous rejection by the Spanish government and Constitutional Court of a similar referendum in Catalonia. All these decisions rely implicitly on contested ideas about democratic boundaries and membership

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Steven Fielding

2 Labour’s organisational culture The purpose of this chapter is to establish the institutional context for Labour’s response to cultural change.1 It surveys the character of the party’s organisation and the nature of its membership on the verge of the 1960s, and in particular highlights the activities and assumptions of those most responsible for the party’s well-being. Before that can be done, however, it is necessary to outline Labour’s organisational structure and identify some of the issues to which it gave rise. The basic unit in all 618 constituency

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Finland

Smooth adaptation to European values and institutions

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Teija Tiilikainen

2444Ch6 3/12/02 6 2:03 pm Page 150 Teija Tiilikainen Finland: smooth adaptation to European values and institutions Introduction: EU membership as the beginning of a new political era Finland joined the European Union together with Austria and Sweden at the beginning of 1995. At first glance, Finnish membership might appear as a rapid change of political orientation, given the inflexible policy of neutrality the country conducted until the early 1990s. In spite of the brevity of national adaptation and consideration, the decision to follow Sweden and