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A Focus on Community Engagement

legitimate youth and local leaders over the distribution of Ebola-relief goods. In the second case, from Liberia, Almudena Mari Saez narrates negotiations between community-based organisations and the NGO in charge of opening a new Ebola Treatment Unit at the SKD 3 Stadium in Monrovia. In the final case, from Sierra Leone, Luisa Enria discusses the role of chiefs through the confrontation between the police and young Sierra Leoneans in Bamoi Luma when authorities violently imposed the closure of a market in order to avoid a resurgence of the epidemic. Despite their

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

peace operation. But, sure, it wasn’t perfect. There were errors, too. JF: A last question. During the first decade of the twenty-first century, Brazil became a protagonist in multilateral negotiations, pushing for changes at the WTO, reform of the UN Security Council. It was instrumental in the formation of new negotiating blocs: the G20, G3, G4, the BRICS. It didn’t just take positions on matters of peace and security, cooperation and human rights: it also proposed changes to international norms and architecture. You mentioned the Universal

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

theory. It defines strategic objectives and identifies the main rivals of the US, collectively considered to present a threat to the country’s national interests. It sets out four ‘vital national interests’, which are not fundamentally new ( ibid .: 3): 1) the protection of the American people and their way of life; 2) the promotion of economic prosperity and America’s technological leadership; 3) the preservation through force of world peace; 4) the expansion of the global influence of the US. The strategy then identifies the threats to American

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American relations ‘at the summit’, 1964–68

This book is based mainly on government sources, namely material from the White House, State Department, Foreign Office (FO), Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Prime Minister's Office (PREM) and Cabinet (CAB). Private papers consulted include those of Harold Wilson, Foreign Secretary George Brown and Undersecretary of State George Ball. The book explores a period of the Wilson-Johnson relationship. It considers the seven weeks from Wilson's election until he went to see Lyndon B. Johnson on 7-9 December, a formative period in which Britain cultivated American financial support and which saw pre-summit diplomacy over the NATO Multilateral Force (MLF). The book covers the summit in detail, examining the diplomatic exchanges over the Vietnam War, the British commitment East of Suez and the MLF, as well as the interplay of personality between Wilson and Johnson. By exploring the relationship of the two leaders in the years 1964-1968, it seeks to examine their respective attitudes to the Anglo-American relationship. The book then assesses the significance of an alleged Anglo-American strategic-economic 'deal', Wilson's 'Commonwealth Peace Mission' to Vietnam, and another Wilson visit to Washington. It also considers why the personal relationship between Johnson and Wilson suffered such strain when the Labour government 'dissociated' the UK from the latest American measures in Vietnam. Next, the book addresses the period from August 1966-September 1967, during which Wilson launched an intense but abortive effort to initiate peace negotiations over Vietnam, and London announced plans to withdraw from military bases East of Suez.

Open Access (free)
Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain

The campaigns for an immediate and absolute rejection of all war, and for the eventual abolition of war through a strengthened international system, overlapped significantly in the British peace movement, particularly in their relations with the feminist movement.12 For simplicity, the term ‘pacifism’ is used here in its original broad meaning, to encompass ‘the renunciation of war by the individual, at least implicitly’, and the willingness to challenge ‘military approaches’ and to develop ‘alternatives such as negotiation, . . . nonviolent action, and

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Open Access (free)
The International Arbitration and Peace Association

upon the republic as necessary to peace’ and thus endorse wars of liberation.5 On accepting the chairmanship of the IAPA, Pratt made a number of innovative changes: he invited Henry Richard to become president of the IAPA (Richard refused), suggested an amalgamation of the Peace Society and the IAPA (negotiations were begun, but came to nothing), and provided a monthly mouthpiece for the Association by establishing the Journal. Pratt gradually gained the IAPA a following and membership that did not overlap with that of the Peace Society, though the relationship

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’

6 The first attempt to negotiate the association agreement Introduction This chapter aims to explain the phase in EU–Mercosur relations which saw the negotiation of the association agreement without reaching a successful ending. Both parties developed those negotiations under the EMIFCA. It was agreed that this agreement would be carried out in two phases. The first phase related to the preparation of the ground for future negotiations by comparing standards, statistical systems and trade procedures, whilst the second phase centred on trade liberalization. The

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:

dissenting groups to question their roles in national security and to promote new understandings of the relationship between national and personal security in Israel. This process of reflection on the military in Israeli society has developed further in the context of the Middle East peace process (MEPP). Peace negotiations have altered the context in which the theory and practice of security in the region

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Open Access (free)
War economies, peace economies and transformation

4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 1 1 Introduction: war economies, peace economies and transformation Since the end of the Cold War, economic greed and profit-seeking have become a significant motivation for the perpetuation and deepening of conflict in some parts of the developing world. The most acute economic motivation in armed conflict has been the illicit exploitation of lucrative natural resources such as diamonds, timber, gold, oil, precious gems, and minerals like coltan, which have provided both the means and incentive

in Building a peace economy?
Feminist journals and peace questions

‘ the truest form of patriotism ’ 2 ‘The women of the whole world form . . . a unity’: feminist journals and peace questions1 T hrough the debates on physical force, many women active in the feminist movement were drawn to consider wider issues of military conflict and war. Such well-known feminists as Josephine Butler, Millicent Garrett Fawcett, Lydia Becker, Caroline Ashurst Biggs (editor of the Englishwoman’s Review from 1871 to 1889) and Henrietta Müller (editor of the Women’s Penny Paper from 1888 to 1892) intervened in debates about the role of the armed

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’