Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector
critiques the failure of humanitarian agencies to take a more political stance and/or to speak out against abuses of civilians ( Hart and Lo Forte, 2013 ; Niland, 2014 ). The general argument is based on the assumption that public criticism would shame those abusing human rights or violating IHL to improve their conduct towards civilians. In fact, little is known about the conditions under which such advocacy is effective ( Bradley, 2014 ). However, it is clear that the publicisation of atrocities against some people (staff) and not others (local civilians) sends
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez and Sylvain Landry B. Faye
in Liberia; indirect mediation to chiefs in Sierra Leone. Inspired by the extended-case-study method developed by the Manchester School ( Gluckman, 1940 ), we illuminate our ethnography by paying attention to the long history of the relationship between power and population. The cases are presented chronologically in order to align with the history of the West Africa epidemic. In the first case, Sylvain Landry B. Faye details a case from Kolobengou, Guinea, in which Ministry of Health efforts to mobilise traditional and political elites clashed with locally
rape is likely to occur regardless, what’s the answer? In the here and now, humanitarians
have one, and must have one, whereas human rights advocates do not. They must remain silent,
restate the law or compromise their principles, which for them looks like the legitimation of a
crime. Isn’t the humane thing to do to hand over the condoms? But are
you then complicit in a human rights abuse? This points to an important distinction – a political not a foundational distinction
– between humanitarianism and human rights. It is difficult to see what
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War
Xavier Crombé and Joanna Kuper
, localised displacement and abuses ( ibid. : 1). The six health facilities run by MSF-H and MSF-Belgium in Jonglei had treated many wounded patients, most of them civilians, including women and children. Not only were civilians the prime targets of violence, the authors of the report asserted, but ‘healthcare itself’ had been ‘under attack’: in August 2011, only a few weeks after the independence ceremony, an MSF-run health facility in Pieri had been looted and burnt down; over the year that followed, armed groups had again ransacked, damaged or destroyed three more health
In 2002, the French party system seems to be demonstrating a fluidity, if not outright instability, equal to any period in the Fifth Republic's history. This book explores the extent to which this represents outright change and shifts within a stable structure. Portrayals of French political culture point to incivisme, individualism and a distrust of organizations. The book focuses on three fundamental political issues such as 'politics', 'power' and 'justice', which appear in almost all political discussions and conflicts. It identifies different 'types' of state in political theory and looks at the major challenges to practical state sovereignty in the modern world. Discussing the concept of the nation in the United Kingdom, the book identifies both cultural and political aspects of nationhood. These include nation and state; race and nation; language and the nation; religion and national identity; government and nation; common historical and cultural ties; and a sense of 'nationhood'. Liberal democracy, defensive democracy and citizen democracy/republican democracy are explained. The book also analyses John Stuart Mill's and Isaiah Berlin's views on 'negative' and 'positive' freedom. Conservatism is one of the major intellectual and political strains of thought in Western culture. Liberalism has become the dominant ideology in the third millennium. Socialism sprang from the industrial revolution and the experience of the class that was its product, the working class. Events have made 'fascism' a term of political abuse rather than one of serious ideological analysis. Environmentalism and ecologism constitute one of the most recent ideological movements.
Events have made ‘fascism’ a term of politicalabuse
rather than one of serious ideological analysis. Moreover,
self-proclaimed fascists have claimed that fascism is beyond
intellectual analysis and have despised those who favour rational
examination of their beliefs. However, we take fascism seriously as an
ideology by examining fascist values and the concrete actions of some
to enable a better human rights practice – that is, to enable a rights practice which is more observant of and responsive to the spectrum of injury that we collectively inflict and endure, more open to engagement over the long term with the complexities of the actual social practices, institutions and circumstances in which many forms of abuse are embedded, and which is at the least oriented no less towards the reconstitution of social and political relationships and structures shaped by violence and humiliation than it is towards the condemnation of the
East Timor, with elections for a constituent assembly to determine a constitution expected in August 2001.
The following discussion looks in broad terms at the immediate background to Indonesia’s violent process of incorporation and the pattern of abuse that characterised it, and touches briefly some of the issues facing the new state. It does not focus on East Timor’s political struggles or the development of its contemporary political forms. As told here, the story of East Timor’s occupation underlines what in conceptual terms is a very simple
Dance has always been a method of self- expression for human beings. This book examines the political power of dance and especially its transgressive potential. Focusing on readings of dance pioneers Isadora Duncan and Martha Graham, Gumboots dancers in the gold mines of South Africa, the One Billion Rising movement using dance to protest against gendered violence, dabkeh in Palestine and dance as protest against human rights abuse in Israel, the Sun Dance within the Native American Crow tribe, the book focuses on the political power of dance and moments in which dance transgresses politics articulated in words. Thus the book seeks ways in which reading political dance as interruption unsettles conceptions of politics and dance.
This book argues for greater openness in the ways we approach human rights and international rights promotion, and in so doing brings some new understanding to old debates. Starting with the realities of abuse rather than the liberal architecture of rights, it casts human rights as a language for probing the political dimensions of suffering. Seen in this context, the predominant Western models of right generate a substantial but also problematic and not always emancipatory array of practices. These models are far from answering the questions about the nature of political community that are raised by the systemic infliction of suffering. Rather than a simple message from ‘us’ to ‘them’, then, rights promotion is a long and difficult conversation about the relationship between political organisations and suffering. Three case studies are explored: the Tiananmen Square massacre, East Timor's violent modern history and the circumstances of indigenous Australians. The purpose of these discussions is not to elaborate on a new theory of rights, but to work towards rights practices that are more responsive to the spectrum of injury that we inflict and endure.