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Mel Bunce

. F*** News and Disinformation In 2017, Collins Dictionary declared ‘fake news’ its word of the year. But most media scholars would prefer the term was removed from the English lexicon, as it is vague and can be deployed to advance a political agenda. Donald Trump famously uses the phrase ‘fake news’ to refer to a wide range of media content that he doesn’t like. And audiences take a similarly broad approach; in focus groups, Nielsen and Graves (2017) find that audiences define ‘fake news’ to include partisan journalism, propaganda and

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When the Music Stops

Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

Stephen Hopgood

, creating intolerance, violence and instability. The impact of technology is also not necessarily benign, allowing easy communication, yes, but creating a megaphone for prejudice, propaganda, targeted character attacks and the erosion of trust. But these changes, while important, will not have the same far-reaching consequences as the change in the distribution of power in the system as a whole. The three options outlined above – renegotiated global norms, sectarian norms and a norm void – are not mutually exclusive, and we might pass through them

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The Changing Faces of UNRWA

From the Global to the Local

Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh

.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/jan/12/donald-trump-cut-funding-palestinian-refugees-middle-east-security (accessed 13 January 2018 ). Easton-Calabria , E. and Omata , N. ( 2018 ), ‘ Panacea for the Refugee Crisis? Rethinking the Promotion of “Self-Reliance” for Refugees ’, Third World Quarterly , doi: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1458301 . Enloe , C. ( 1991 ), ‘ “Womenandchildren”: Propaganda Tools of Patriarchy ’, in Bates , G. (ed.), Mobilizing Democracy: Changing the US Role in the

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Balkan holocausts?

Serbian and Croatian victim-centred propaganda and the war in Yugoslavia

Series:

David Bruce MacDonald

Comparing and contrasting propaganda in Serbia and Croatia from 1986 to 1999, this book analyses each group's contemporary interpretations of history and current events. It offers a detailed discussion of Holocaust imagery and the history of victim-centred writing in nationalist theory, including the links between the comparative genocide debate, the so-called Holocaust industry, and Serbian and Croatian nationalism. There is a detailed analysis of Serbian and Croatian propaganda over the Internet, detailing how and why the Internet war was as important as the ground wars in Kosovo, Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina, and a theme-by-theme analysis of Serbian and Croatian propaganda, using contemporary media sources, novels, academic works and journals.

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Robert Mackay

these would be controlled and managed; secondly, to provide reassurance of the certainty of victory and of official concern for the people’s needs; thirdly, to stimulate patriotic commitment to the war and the war effort. This policy in turn led to the delineation of four main activities: the censoring of the supply and transmission of news and information; the setting of guidelines for the output content of the BBC and the film industry; the monitoring of civilian morale; the production and commissioning of propaganda. Since what people heard and saw – and how they

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Series:

David Bruce MacDonald

constant emphasis on historical victimisation and suffering. This situation paradoxically gave rise to the 2 2441Introduction 16/10/02 8:02 am Page 3 Introduction view that the wars in Yugoslavia were the result of ‘ancient ethnic hatreds’ between traditionally hostile ethnic groups. Such propaganda would confuse rather than clarify.3 While it is important to explore the nature of such imagery, it is also important to understand the philosophical and theological underpinnings of a victim-centred strategy in nationalism, while systematically unravelling and comparing

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Conclusions

Confronting relativism in Serbia and Croatia

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David Bruce MacDonald

: confronting relativism in Serbia and Croatia root of conflict. In trying to analyse the successes and failures of Serbian and Croatian propaganda, we need to understand clearly whether or not any actual genocides took place in the Balkans, either in history, or during the more contemporary period. This includes the general question of whether the manipulation of Holocaust imagery is a useful means for nations to advance their political agendas. I have argued that general Fall imagery and imagery of the Holocaust have played an extremely important role in rallying

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‘Greater Serbia’ and ‘Greater Croatia’

The Moslem question in Bosnia-Hercegovina

Series:

David Bruce MacDonald

creating their respective ‘Greater Serbias’ and ‘Greater Croatias’. In the Bosnian crisis, Serbs and Croats often worked together, and, as early as 1991, Milošević and Tudjman had carved up Bosnia on paper. At a diplomatic cocktail party with Western leaders in London, Tudjman was the first to boast of his geopolitical ambitions, famously drawing a detailed map on a napkin.3 In Bosnia, the Moslems were seen as the primary threat to the creating of larger national states. Serbian and Croatian machinations, including the production of propaganda, thus followed very

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The surveillance of exile

The Vichy consulates

Nicholas Atkin

complaints that personnel of the naval mission had been arrested for speaking in Breton to sailors.23 While cases of potential spies were relatively few, the possibility of French representatives distributing anti-de Gaulle propaganda remained ever present. In late July 1940, the Foreign Office flatly turned down a request from the French consul for five non-commissioned officers from the missions to visit troops at White City to handle the distribution of wages lest they peddled anti-Allied sentiments.24 At least on this occasion, the proper diplomatic channels had been

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Series:

Katie Pickles

. Patriotic clubs and imperialism In its activities, initial class composition and political affiliations, the IODE fitted very closely with the imperial propaganda clubs, a number of which were founded at the end of the nineteenth century in Canada and other parts of the Empire. 8 These were conservative movements that sought to foster imperial