This book explains the current fascination with autism by linking it to a longer history of childhood development. Drawing from a staggering array of primary sources, it traces autism back to its origins in the early twentieth century and explains why the idea of autism has always been controversial and why it experienced a 'metamorphosis' in the 1960s and 1970s. The book locates changes in psychological theory in Britain in relation to larger shifts in the political and social organisation of schools, hospitals, families and childcare. It explores how government entities have dealt with the psychological category of autism. The book looks in detail at a unique children's 'psychotic clinic' set up in London at the Maudsley Hospital in the 1950s. It investigates the crisis of government that developed regarding the number of 'psychotic' children who were entering the public domain when large long-stay institutions closed. The book focuses on how changes in the organisation of education and social services for all children in 1970 gave further support to the concept of autism that was being developed in London's Social Psychiatry Research Unit. It also explores how new techniques were developed to measure 'social impairment' in children in light of the Seebohm reforms of 1968 and other legal changes of the early 1970s. Finally, the book argues that epidemiological research on autism in the 1960s and 1970s pioneered at London's Institute of Psychiatry has come to define global attempts to analyse and understand what, exactly, autism is.
Anarchist theory and practice in a global age
Edited by: Jonathan Purkis and James Bowen
This book attempts to convey the different sociological contexts for how contemporary anarchist theory and practice is to be understood. It concentrates on the issue of broadening the parameters of how anarchist theory and practice is conceptualized. The book compares the major philosophical differences and strategies between the classical period (what Dave Morland calls 'social anarchism') and the contemporary anti-capitalist movements which he regards as being poststructuralist in nature. It also documents the emergence of the now highly influential anti-technological and anti-civilisational strand in anarchist thought. This offers something of a challenge to anarchism as a political philosophy of the Enlightenment, as well as to other contemporary versions of ecological anarchism and, to some extent, anarcho-communism. The book further provides a snapshot of a number of debates and critical positions which inform contemporary anarchist practice. The specific areas covered offer unique perspectives on sexuality, education, addiction and mental health aspects of socialisation and how this can be challenged at a number of different levels. The fact that anarchism has largely premised its critique on a psychological dimension to power relations, not just a material one, has been an advantage in this respect. Ecological anarchism, which has been the driving force behind much contemporary anarchist theory and practice, has been committed to thinking about the relationships between people and 'nature' in new ways.
The first autism can only be understood in the context of the legal and institutional networks that enabled the spread of psychological theory as applied to infants and children in Britain in the early twentieth century. This chapter examines the integration of the concept of autism into psychological theory in Britain and the significance of
Perceiving, describing and modelling child development
the 1960s, psychiatric epidemiology was regarded as a new tool with which to challenge theories of the unconscious in child development. By the 1990s, psychological theories on the significance of unconscious instinctual drives to the development of pathological forms of infantile thought were virtually obsolete. They had been superseded and subsumed within new neuroscientific models for understanding
James Bowen and Jonathan Purkis
this section each address notions of being and becoming within different areas of anarchist theory and practice. Indeed, it is the ontological dimension of contemporary anarchism – especially the placing of Self within a wider ecology of global relations, human and non-human – which distinguishes anarchism from radical perspectives that retain too much focus on materialism and political economy. The fact that anarchism has largely premised its critique on a psychological dimension to power relations, not just a material one, has been an advantage in this respect
perspective has developed on two lines. The first is intrinsic value theory, which sees nature as an end in itself.6 Crucially, intrinsic value does not require human recognition for it to exist. Nature has objective ‘value-imparting characteristics’. The second ecocentric perspective bypasses value theory. It argues that what is required is not so much ethics as a psychological change in ‘ecological sensibility’. The real issue is therefore psychology and ontology, not ethics. Ecological ethics derives from a mature and developed psychology.7 Overall, for radicals
A multidisciplinary perspective
(Bianchi, 1997, p. 280). Though, in this case, the detection of the collection set is vicariously conducted by the supplier. Objective features of preferences: a Darwinian perspective In the neoclassical model we have a fixed preference ordering described by formal axioms. The material content of these preferences is not only unspecified, the relevance of such knowledge is even denied. Max Weber (1909, p. 388), for instance, completely denies the necessity of a psychological foundation of marginal utility theory, arguing that these axioms do not intend to give a
wider model of social development in children, has always lent itself to controversy and intense debate about what those who purport to advance any theory of it are actually arguing. It has been open to such debate because it defines such an important and vital part of the theory of psychological development. It has always been a conduit for wider social anxieties because of the
James Bowen and Jonathan Purkis
determinants, rather than single sources exercised by the State or the economy. In the opening chapter of this section, Dave Morland outlines the philosophical shifts that have occurred within anarchism and shows how different political voices have emerged to mobilise around an increasing plurality of injustices. Whilst anarchism has always, in theory, contested power wherever it appears, Morland argues that what we are witnessing in the era of poststructural anarchism are new concepts of ‘totality’ where power is constructed and resisted in all manner of social and cultural
fact, the Tavistock model provided the first prototype institution for Nikolas Rose’s now celebrated theory of ‘governmentality’. 9 Their goal was to find ways to employ psychological knowledge to enable more sophisticated forms of social governance. At the Maudsley Hospital, similar moves were made to develop a sophisticated programme to study