The Ecuadorian experience

5 The role of the women’s movement in institutionalizing a gender focus in public policy: the Ecuadorian experience silvia vega ugalde 1 Introduction The institutionalization of a gender focus in state policy is a long, complex process. It presupposes intervention in a variety of areas and further presupposes the active presence in society of actors who campaign, promote and lobby in order that the gender dimension becomes visible in political and social relations. In this chapter I present the experience of the Coordinadora Politica de Mujeres Ecuatorianas

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?

bolstered the jihadist movement’s claim that they were spies, while enabling the British government to maintain, unchallenged, its intransigent no-negotiations policy ( Dettmer, 2014 ; Simon, 2014 ). In other words, while controlling information shared internally and with the public is one of the key factors in managing kidnapping cases, it does not always follow that a complete media blackout is necessary. ‘Pay, Don’t Say’ Dogma Aid organisations’ preference for quietly managing kidnapping cases is partly a function of private security companies’ growing role in

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

In discussions of conflict, war and political violence, dead bodies count. Although the politics and practices associated with the collection of violent-death data are seldom subject to critical examination, they are crucial to how scholars and practitioners think about how and why conflict and violence erupt. Knowledge about conflict deaths – the who, what, where, when, why and how – is a form of expertise, created, disseminated and used by different agents. This article highlights the ways in which body counts are deployed as social facts and forms of knowledge that are used to shape and influence policies and practices associated with armed conflict. It traces the way in which conflict-death data emerged, and then examines critically some of the practices and assumptions of data collection to shed light on how claims to expertise are enacted and on how the public arena connects (or not) with scholarly conflict expertise.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

In recent years, exhumation campaigns of mass graves resulting from the armed conflict (1980–2000) between the Maoist guerrillas of PCP-Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) and the States armed forces have increased in Peru. People in rural Andes, the most marginalised sectors of national society, which were also particularly affected by the war, are the main group concerned with exhumations. This article examines the handling, flow and re-appropriation of exhumed human remains in public space to inform sociopolitical issues underlying the reparation policies implemented by the State, sometimes with the support of human rights NGOs. How do the families of victims become involved in this unusual return of their dead? Have the exhumations become a new repertoire of collective action for Andean people seeking to access their fundamental rights and for recognition of their status as citizens? Finally, what do these devices that dignify the dead reveal about the internal workings of Peruvian society – its structural inequities and racism – which permeate the social fabric?

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

Since the early 1990s, armed actors have invaded territories in the Chocó and Antioquia departments of Colombia, inhabited by Afro-Colombians and Indians whose collective rights in these territories had recently been legally recognised. Based on long-term fieldwork among the Emberá Katío, this article examines social, cosmological and ritual alterations and re-organisation around violent death. Following a national policy of post-conflict reparations, public exhumations and identifications of human remains reveal new local modes of understanding and administration. In particular, suicide, hitherto completely unknown to the Emberá, broke out in a multitude of cases, mostly among the youth. Local discourse attributes this phenomenon to the number of stray corpses resulting from the violence, who are transformed into murderous spirits which shamans can no longer control. The analysis focusses on the unprecedented articulation of a renewed eschatology, the intricate effects of an internal political reorganisation and the simultaneous inroad into their space of new forms of armed insurrectional violence. Thus the article will shed light on the emergence of a new transitional moral economy of death among the Emberá.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

protection’ and ‘staff security’ – and each designates a distinct set of policies and practices. Starting from the perspective that the reasons for such a distinction are not self-evident, the current article seeks to draw attention to the differences between staff-security and civilian-protection strategies, and to stimulate a conversation about the extent to which the differences are justified. The aim is not to argue for or against particular strategies for the safety of aid workers or the wider civilian population, or even to argue that the distinction between these

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction

even those inspired by anti-communism were cautious about structural integration into Western security strategies. At the beginning of the 1990s, NGOs shrugged off their scepticism for the morality of state power, working more closely with Western military forces. Private and government funding for humanitarian operations increased. With the help of news media, humanitarian agencies boosted their political capital, presenting themselves as providers of public moral conscience for the West. A new political economy of humanitarian aid developed

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector

apart from Trump’s aptitude for fomenting societal division, politicians (of all stripes) have for centuries done battle over what Caroline Shaw called ‘the moral possibilities and conundrums that remain so familiar to the “refugee question”’ ( Shaw, 2015: 11 ). Add to that equation the poor or misleading data that hinders international efforts to assist refugees and it becomes easier to explain policy-makers’ short-termist tendencies. As Miliband put it, ‘The practice of humanitarian aid has been undermined by the fiction – sometimes convenient for donors in the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

world politics, we know that these principles are mainly honoured in the breach. Most vulnerable is the idea that liberal space is somehow apolitical. To take an obvious example, no self-respecting liberal state could pass a law that required its citizens to practise the same religion or to curb their freedom to dissent against the government. Private freedoms are beyond the reach of public policy (with obvious complexities, e.g. around hate speech and blasphemy). The problem here is simply put. In the words of Brian Barry (1990 : 8): If the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

victims. For a couple of decades it was successful in publicly challenging Western foreign policy in Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia ( Duffield, 2007 : 51–4). Having once exercised a moral leadership, however, after a long struggle against donor absorption and UN control, an international direct humanitarian engagement finally yielded amid the horrors of Iraq and Syria. The War on Terror imposed limitations. Compared to the 1970s and 1980s, humanitarian agencies found their political room for manoeuvre significantly restricted ( BOND, 2003 ). At

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs