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Post-Humanitarianism

Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

Mark Duffield

a refugee’ ( UNHCR, 2005 ). The UN Regional Information Centre for Western Europe (UNRIC) together with the mtvU student media group at the University of Southern California, has produced Darfur is Dying . This simulation allows players to negotiate the ‘forces that threaten the survival of his or her refugee camp. It offers a faint glimpse of what it’s like for the more than 2.5 million who have been internally displaced by the crisis in Sudan’ ( HRE, 2009 ). 11 Then head of MIT’s Architecture Machine Group that

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Democratic inclusion

Rainer Bauböck in dialogue

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Edited by: Rainer Bauböck

This book addresses the major theoretical and practical issues of the forms of citizenship and access to citizenship in different types of polity, and the specification and justification of rights of non-citizen immigrants as well as non-resident citizens. It also addresses the conditions under which norms governing citizenship can legitimately vary. The book discusses the principles of including all affected interests (AAI), all subject to coercion (ASC) and all citizenship stakeholders (ACS). They complement each other because they serve distinct purposes of democratic inclusion. The book proposes that democratic inclusion principles specify a relation between an individual or group that has an inclusion claim and a political community that aims to achieve democratic legitimacy for its political decisions and institutions. It contextualizes the principle of stakeholder inclusion, which provides the best answer to the question of democratic boundaries of membership, by applying it to polities of different types. The book distinguishes state, local and regional polities and argues that they differ in their membership character. It examines how a principle of stakeholder inclusion applies to polities of different types. The book illustrates the difference between consensual and automatic modes of inclusion by considering the contrast between birthright acquisition of citizenship, which is generally automatic, and naturalization, which requires an application.

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Democratic inclusion

A pluralist theory of citizenship

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Rainer Bauböck

, local and regional polities and argue that they differ in their membership character, which I identify as birthright-based, residential and derivative respectively. My conclusion is again that these are not alternative conceptions of political community but complementary ones. Each supports the realization of specific political values (of continuity, mobility and union) and taken together local, state and regional polities form nested

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Elana Wilson Rowe

-​lines tracing back of how different communities of knowledge or networks of actors competed to gain the privileged position of defining what matters in a given global governance field. A genealogy is a tricky method to apply to contemporary Arctic cross-​ border governance, although it might be possible if one took a highly specific policy area or actor (e.g. Shadian, 2014, 2017 on the Inuit polity) or worked at a high level of abstraction. In its broadest sense, the regionally defined Arctic policy field is an ecosystem of many intersecting policy fields that overlap with

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Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis

This substantially updated and revised edition offers a comprehensive overview of the challenges confronting the political system as well as the international politics of the European Union. It draws from a spectrum of regional integration theories to determine what the Union actually is and how it is developing, examining the constitutional politics of the European Union, from the Single European Act to the Treaty of Nice and beyond. The ongoing debate on the future of Europe links together the questions of democracy and legitimacy, competences and rights, and the prospects for European polity-building. The aim is to contribute to a better understanding of the emerging European polity and the questions that further treaty reform generates for the future of the regional system. The authors also assess the evolving European security architecture; the limits and possibilities of a genuine European foreign, security and defence policy; and the role of the EU in the post-Cold War international system. Common themes involve debates about stability and instability, continuity and change, multipolarity and leadership, co-operation and discord, power capabilities and patterns of behaviour. The book traces the defining features of the ‘new order’ in Europe and incorporates an analysis of the post-September 11th context.

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Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis

diversity within a nascent, yet fragile, political unity. Joining together diverse entities in a regional union that respects their individual integrity, the constitutional structure of the Union challenges the organic theory of the polity, without relying entirely on the properties of ‘segmented differentiation’. From this stems its greatest merit as a system of mutual governance, but also its strongest concern: to provide equality of status to its members while allowing for a less rigid understanding of sovereign statehood. In fact, the TEU offers an advanced conception

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Cameron Ross

in Russia regions.2 Thus, unity and diversity both exist in Russia but in contradiction rather than harmony. Indeed, there would appear to be as many kinds of federal relations as there are subjects of the federation. From ethnic to legal and economic secessionism Fearing that demands for secession would spread from Chechnya to other parts of the federation, Yeltsin tolerated a high degree of regional autonomy in the ethnic republics. By backing moderate nationalist leaders and promoting bilateral treaties with the most troublesome regions, Yeltsin was able to

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The boundaries of “democratic inclusion”

Some questions for Rainer Bauböck

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Joseph H. Carens

appropriately restricted to membership in a sovereign state. He talks explicitly about the varieties of democratic polities and the different ways in which citizenship is and ought to be constructed in each: municipalities, provinces, regional organizations, and so on. So, aren't Arendt's definition and the conceptual argument it supports problematic from Bauböck's own perspective? Another variant of what seems to be a conceptual argument

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Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis

regional experiments of comparable analytical potential. Rather, the idea is that the new challenges facing the study of regional integration in Europe (concerning both its theoretical boundaries and operational dynamics) do not take place in a theoretical vacuum: they are an extension, if not a refinement, of older ones. The task remains to discover a reliable integration theory as the basis for the future of he European Union (EU) and offer a convincing response to the challenges of large-scale polity formation. Legitimately, however, one wonders whether Puchala

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Rainer Bauböck

vision of a just world with distinct polities, I will take the risk and describe an ideal global boundary structure. In such a structure a plurality of independent states pool their sovereignty partly in larger regional unions and devolve it partly to autonomous regions and municipalities in their territory; submit to institutions of global governance with regard to issues that by their very nature affect all humankind; and keep their borders open for each other