Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

1980s, the US, to two now) stems from the rise of China. A kind of bipolarity – a system dominated by two centres of power – has been re-established in global politics. As in other areas – trade, environment, security, public health, transport – the return to bipolarity has had a major impact. The implications of this are simple but profound: rules and norms that conflict in some way with the preferences of the Chinese government will no longer necessarily be enforceable at the global level . We know what this looks like because it is how the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction

accelerate the professionalisation of the aid sector ( Fiori et al ., 2016 ). But at the turn of the millennium, there were indications of a downturn in the influence of humanitarian ideas on Western geostrategy. The strategic value of humanitarian intervention diminished as the US launched its totalising war on terror. Humanitarianism was little more than an afterthought to the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Since then, despite the continued rise in donations to humanitarian agencies, the political currency of liberal humanitarianism and its

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

national interests ( ibid .: 25–6): 1) Russia and China, the two great ‘revisionist powers’; 2) North Korea and Iran, two ‘rogue states’ that undermine geopolitical equilibrium in Northeast Asia and the Middle East; 3) ‘Jihadist terrorist groups’ and international criminal organisations that propagate violence and traffic drugs and arms. The document offers an extensive list of actions to be undertaken by the US to achieve strategic objectives and confront rivals, from controlling borders to increasing military expenditure and protecting competitive

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

spirit of 1970s direct humanitarian action was fabricated from a deductive process of knowledge formation framed by narratives of history, causation and reciprocity. Reflecting the rise to dominance of a cybernetic episteme, this register has been replaced by a reliance on inductive mathematical data and machine-thinking for sense-making ( Rouvroy, 2012 ). Thinking has been transformed into calculation ( Han, 2013 ). 1 The current dominance within the academy of empiricism and behaviourism reflects this change in world-experience. What is often

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

. Trump seeks to deconstruct the existing order and anything that might limit American power, even institutions created by the US. This change in strategy happens at a moment when rivals are on the rise. Russia perhaps doesn’t want to be a world leader, but it wants to affirm its regional position. And China, yes, has another plan for the world, which it develops with subtlety, in specific negotiations, always prepared to accept otherness. JF: What are the likely implications of this new US strategy for international cooperation and multilateralism? CA

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
A new labour market segmentation approach

This book presents new theories and international empirical evidence on the state of work and employment around the world. Changes in production systems, economic conditions and regulatory conditions are posing new questions about the growing use by employers of precarious forms of work, the contradictory approaches of governments towards employment and social policy, and the ability of trade unions to improve the distribution of decent employment conditions. Designed as a tribute to the highly influential contributions of Jill Rubery, the book proposes a ‘new labour market segmentation approach’ for the investigation of issues of job quality, employment inequalities, and precarious work. This approach is distinctive in seeking to place the changing international patterns and experiences of labour market inequalities in the wider context of shifting gender relations, regulatory regimes and production structures.

Why China survived the financial crisis

’s ability to withstand the crisis, must be understood within the context of its domestic political economy. While it was arguably in China’s interest not to devalue the RMB during the height of crisis, there are forces at work within the economy that may force China to rethink this strategy in the future. The economy: underlying strengths Never in recorded history has an economy grown so rapidly and as extensively as that of post-Mao China. The Third Plenum of the Eleventh Communist Party Congress in December 1978 saw the rise of the late Deng Xiaoping as the paramount

in The Asian financial crisis

consumers. First, its reserves are much larger than previously assumed and continue to be revised upwards as recovery technologies improve and prices rise. Second, the oil-production capacity of the Middle East and Saudi Arabia, which account, respectively, for 63% and 25% of the world’s proven oil reserves, has stagnated over the past 20 years.8 American, Chinese and Russian interest in Central Asia is driven by the fragility of Central Asian regimes and the potential threat they pose to regional stability. The difficult transition process has stalled in many cases and

in Limiting institutions?

accommodate each other, and we fault them for failing. But what about our own future? How easy will it be for today’s four big powers to live together on an integrated planet? Obviously, this is a huge question. Let me explore two aspects of it. First, can the United States – still bemused by its unipolar vision – react successfully to a more plural world? And second, can a plural system absorb the rise of newly powerful poor states, in particular China? 250 2504Chap13 7/4/03 12:42 pm Page 251 Reflections on Eurasian security American global policy in a plural world

in Limiting institutions?

its foreign behaviour mainly after the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–95. 108 Japan Japan was isolated and autarkic for centuries, styling itself as an empire under the ‘Son of Heaven of the country where the sun rises’, implying that it was the equal of China (under ‘the Son of Heaven of the country where the sun sets’), much to the Chinese Emperor’s anger, but, by and large, and despite Japan’s sense of superiority even in comparison with

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century