3 Transnational formations of race before and during Yugoslav statesocialism
In domains from the history of popular entertainment to that of ethnicity and migration, ideas of race, as well as ethnicity and religion, have demonstrably formed part of how people from the Yugoslav region have understood their place in Europe and the world. The region's history during, and after, the era of direct European colonialism differed from the USA's, France's or Brazil's; but this did not exclude it from the networks of ‘race in translation’ (Stam and
This book explains theoretical work in postcolonial and postsocialist studies to
offer a novel and distinctive insight into how Yugoslavia is configured by, and
through, race. It presents the history of how ideas of racialised difference
have been translated globally in Yugoslavia. The book provides a discussion on
the critical race scholarship, global historical sociologies of 'race in
translation' and south-east European cultural critique to show that the
Yugoslav region is deeply embedded in global formations of race. It considers
the geopolitical imagination of popular culture; the history of ethnicity; and
transnational formations of race before and during state socialism, including
the Non-Aligned Movement. The book also considers the post-Yugoslav discourses
of security, migration, terrorism and international intervention, including the
War on Terror and the refugee crisis. It elaborates how often-neglected aspects
of the history of nationhood and migration reveal connections that tie the
region into the global history of race. The book also explains the linkage
between ethnic exclusivism and territory in the ethnopolitical logic of the
Bosnian conflict and in the internationally mediated peace agreements that
enshrined it: 'apartheid cartography'. Race and whiteness remained
perceptible in post-war Bosnian identity discourses as new, open-ended forms of
post-conflict international intervention developed.
In liberal democracies there is a belief that citizens ought to take an active interest in what is happening in the political world. Political debate in modern Western democracies is a complex and often rowdy affair. There are three fundamental political issues: 'politics', 'power' and 'justice', which feature in almost all political discussions and conflicts. The book assesses the degree to which the state and state sovereignty are disappearing in the modern world of 'globalised' politics, economics and culture and new international institutions. The main features of the nation and the problems of defining it are outlined: population, culture, history, language, religion, and race. Different types of democracy and their most important features are discussed. 'Freedom' is usually claimed to be the prime objective of political activity. The book discusses equality of human rights, distributional equality, equality before the law, the claims for group equality on the grounds of race, gender, class. Rights, obligations and citizenship are closely associated. Ideology is the driving force of political discourse. The book also discusses nationalism's growth and development over the last two centuries with particular reference to its main features and assumptions. It outlines the development of conservatism as a political ideology and movement in Britain during the last two centuries. An overview of liberalism, socialism, Marxism, anarchism, and Fascism follows. Environmentalism and feminism are also discussed. Finally, the book talks about how ideological change occurs and stresses the importance of rationality in politics.
In 2002, the French party system seems to be demonstrating a fluidity, if not outright instability, equal to any period in the Fifth Republic's history. This book explores the extent to which this represents outright change and shifts within a stable structure. Portrayals of French political culture point to incivisme, individualism and a distrust of organizations. The book focuses on three fundamental political issues such as 'politics', 'power' and 'justice', which appear in almost all political discussions and conflicts. It identifies different 'types' of state in political theory and looks at the major challenges to practical state sovereignty in the modern world. Discussing the concept of the nation in the United Kingdom, the book identifies both cultural and political aspects of nationhood. These include nation and state; race and nation; language and the nation; religion and national identity; government and nation; common historical and cultural ties; and a sense of 'nationhood'. Liberal democracy, defensive democracy and citizen democracy/republican democracy are explained. The book also analyses John Stuart Mill's and Isaiah Berlin's views on 'negative' and 'positive' freedom. Conservatism is one of the major intellectual and political strains of thought in Western culture. Liberalism has become the dominant ideology in the third millennium. Socialism sprang from the industrial revolution and the experience of the class that was its product, the working class. Events have made 'fascism' a term of political abuse rather than one of serious ideological analysis. Environmentalism and ecologism constitute one of the most recent ideological movements.
death grants for funeral expenses and widows’ benefit. In other words,
benefits for all kinds of need which may occur within a family.
These are more difficult to establish than a clear definition. This is because
different political movements in Britain after World War II, while agreeing to
the establishment of the Welfare State, presented differing attitudes to welfare.
Here we shall examine three political traditions: Liberalism, Conservatism and
Democratic Socialism (i.e. Labour).
It was Liberal thinkers from the nineteenth and
the growth of the nation state, liberal democracy, state
monopolisation of the means of violence, and capitalist economic
Despite the far-reaching consequences of simple
modernisation, many aspects of traditional society remained
unscathed. Traditional societies are mediated by ritual and
reproduce themselves in a relatively unquestioning way because they
writers, who rejected the pluralist claim that the State was
politically neutral, portraying it as overwhelmingly on the side of capital in its class
struggle against labour. Much of this perspective was inspired by Ralph Miliband’s
Parliamentary Socialism (1961; see chapter 5 of this volume, by David Coates and
Leo Panitch). This school explicitly aims to help identify viable socialist political
strategies. The starting point is Miliband’s analysis of Labour as an overwhelmingly parliamentarist party, whose political function was to integrate organised
the late twentieth century as an aspirational alternative to the authoritarianism and financial stagnation of late statesocialism. The region's imaginations and fantasies of race, sonically and visually undeniable in the everyday ‘cultural archive’, nevertheless reveal shifting rather than stable identifications with race, depending on which aspects of the region's historical experience are mediated through which national and collective identities. Disentangling the relationship between ethnicity, nation and race, and recognising the multiple racial formations
claims to universal validity? Is utopian socialism mere daydreaming? Which is the more important of socialism’s claims: justice or
efficiency? Does common ownership equate with state ownership? Do socialists mean more by equality than liberals do? Is socialism in Britain simply what the Labour Party does? Is there a future for socialism?
The general diffusion of
manufacturers throughout a country generates a new character in its
Future of Socialism (1956) – that post-war capitalism had been transmuted into a
less exploitative and more stable ‘mixed economy’. In some short, but powerfully
argued, pieces written during the late 1950s, Miliband subjected this claim to
critical analysis, which foreshadowed his more extensive treatment in The State in
Capitalist Society (1969). He did not deny that capitalism had changed, but argued
that this did not affect its fundamental character. For, in all advanced industrial
societies what he