Time and space in family migrant networks between Kosovo and western Europe
. Despite being physically on different sides of polity
borders, and over great geographical distance, migrants often retain an active part in
their local village space. This locality is thus re-created ‘translocally’ (Massey 1991).
However, migrants may transgress a state border ‘trans-temporally’ as well. They
not only construct a transborder locality but also a time-space with which to fill it.
Family ties across borders, earlier life experiences and imagining and remembering traces of alternative time-spaces all allow migrants to contest the hegemonic
Madeleine Hurd, Hastings Donnan and Carolin Leutloff-Grandits
– conceptualise the borders they have crossed
or those recently imposed upon them? How are those who have crossed defined
by ‘host’ populations; and with what new eyes do they view themselves in time and
place, reworking their relationships to the times and spaces of both their ‘own’ and
the ‘other side’?
In order to answer these questions, we focus on borders that are embedded in
specific political contexts, which we refer to throughout as ‘polity’ borders. These
enclose and define areas controlled by national or supranational state authorities.
They often appear as lines on a
was restricted and crossing the state border strictly forbidden. Many people in
Albania, especially those born before the 1990s, consequently value highly goods
Silenced border crossings in southern Albania
from beyond Albania, referring to them as ‘things from outside’ (gjëra nga jashte/
pragmata apo okso). Thus Naso boasted about the juice he served us, despite the
fact that as a ‘co-ethnic Greek’ he could cross the border officially even before
the liberalisation of the visa regime in Albania in 2010. The juice, along with
other ‘things’ (gjëra
interest in the ‘geographies of walking’ is further informed by
concerns with the politico-aesthetic conditions for negotiating and resisting scopic
regimes of modern state power, largely within the urban realm (Crary 1990; Jay
1993; Pinder 2011); as a tactic capable of rendering visible a historical, relational
and ‘affective geopolitics’ of state sovereignty (Sidaway 2009), and as a potentially
productive pathway for charting the normative valences associated with heightened
‘mobilities’ across the social sciences (Urry 2007; Cresswell and Merriman 2011).
F.-X. Nérard for the online Encyclopaedia of Mass Violence entitled
‘The Butovo shooting range’, at www.massviolence.org/The-ButovoShooting-Range?artpage=6 (accessed May 2014).
See V. Bitioutskij, ‘Tragiceskij pamiatnik bolchogo terrora v Voroneje’,
30’ Oktiabria, 103 (2011), pp. 8–9.
S. Cohen, State of Denial: Knowing About Atrocities and Suffering
(Cambridge: Polity Press, 2001).
196 Élisabeth Anstett
C. Krmpotich, J. Fontein & J. Harries, ‘The substance of bones: the
emotive materiality and affective
Borders, ticking clocks and timelessness among temporary labour migrants in Israel
Robin A. Harper and Hani Zubida
, managing the ethno-national
conflict, and client politics in Israel’, in Sarah S. Willen (ed.), Transnational Migration to
Israel in Global Comparative Context. Plymouth, MA: Lexington Books, pp. 31–50.
Rose, G. (1993) Feminism and Geography: The Limits of Geographical Knowledge. Cambridge:
Rumbaut, Rubén G. (1994) ‘The crucible within: ethnic identity, self-esteem, and segmented assimilation among children of immigrants’, International Migration Review,
Sa’ar, Relly (2006) ‘Prime Minister vowed to help foreign workers’ kids, but the State wants
Integrative concepts for a criminology of mass violence
’, and also to the complexities of the moral–
emotional ‘work’ carried out in the service of crime. Regardless of
one’s immediate status in the p
immoral (criminal) action must be emotionally neutralized and/or
cognitively reframed as contextually acceptable, and the emotional
trauma of its consequences managed in order to minimize psychological harm.
82 Jon Shute
Serious crime is definitive of contexts of mass violence, where
the rule of law collapses and agents of state control are often prime
Death, landscape and power among the Duha Tuvinians of northern Mongolia
Benedikte Møller Kristensen
at nationalising local subjects through the centralisation of burials. Moreover, it
was a branch of its ‘biopolitics’ (Foucault 1982) as the state sought to
govern the health of the population through their corpses. However,
these policies were never fully acknowledged by the Duha, who
regard burial beneath the ground as an inherently dirty, dangerous
and thus improper activity, whereas open-air funerals are seen as
the proper and clean way of treating the deceased. Burial may capture the souls (sünc) of the deceased underground and transform
them into malevolent
Corpses and mass violence: an inventory of the unthinkable
Élisabeth Anstett and Jean-Marc Dreyfus
Genocide: Mass Murder in
Historical Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003);
M. Shaw, War and Genocide: Organized Killing in Modern Society
(Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003); M. Levene, Genocide in the Age of the
Nation State (London: I. B. Tauris, 2005).
B. Schmidt & I. Schröder, Anthropology of Violence and Conflict
(London: Routledge, 2001); A. L. Hinton & K. L. O’Neill, Genocide:
Truth, Memory and Representation (Durham: Duke University Press,
A. Corbin, J.-J. Courtine & G. Vigarello, Histoire du corps (3 vols)
(Paris: Le Seuil, 2005, 2005
Governing the dead? Theoretical
Following a trend of emerging interest in carnal fetishism1 and the
politics of dead bodies (Verdery 1999), this volume focuses on the
particular relationship between sovereignty on the one hand and
(dead) bodies and human remains on the other, arguing that this
analysis can help us understand fundamental ways in which sovereignty is claimed and performed. We see sovereignty as an effect of
practices that are fundamentally related to the body and to issues of
life and death, and pertaining to the state