This essay analyses the literature on the foibe to illustrate a political use of human remains. The foibe are the deep karstic pits in Istria and around Trieste where Yugoslavian Communist troops disposed of Italians they executed en masse during World War II. By comparing contemporary literature on the foibe to a selection of archival reports of foibe exhumation processes it will be argued that the foibe literature popular in Italy today serves a political rather than informational purpose. Counterpublic theory will be applied to examine how the recent increase in popular foibe literature brought the identity of the esuli, one of Italy‘s subaltern counterpublics, to the national stage. The paper argues that by employing the narrative structure of the Holocaust, contemporary literature on the foibe attempts to recast Italy as a counterpublic in the wider European public sphere, presenting Italy as an unrecognised victim in World War II.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Mass graves in post-war Malaysia

victimhood. By erecting a memorial, they have reinserted their collective memory into the historiography of the occupation. It is evident that Figure 10.1  Workers using rudimentary tools to excavate the mass grave at Parit Tinggi. Figure 10.2  Excavated remains from the Parit Tinggi mass grave are placed at a temporary tomb awaiting burial at Kuala Pilah Chinese Cemetery. Mass graves in post-war Malaysia   229 by omitting any mention of the Second Sino-Japanese War on any of the inscriptions at this site, the survivors and descendants who participated in the exhumation

in Human remains and identification
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Thefts, violence and sexual threats

focuses on representations of property in Radcliffe’s novels, according to certain lines of scholarship, recapitulates the Gothic narratives of female victimhood and resistance. Lauren Fitzgerald, for example, writes that Ellen Moers’s examination of property in The Mysteries of Udolpho demonstrates the ways feminist critics ‘often reproduce the plots and characters of their object of study’ by

in Gothic incest

whether to engage, instead of being bombarded without warning with content that can produce emotional distress and therefore prohibit engagement (Carter, 2015; Cecire, 2014). For the feminist anti-​trigger warning public debaters, the same warnings have been seen as extensions of a culture of overprotection and paradoxical celebration of victimhood, focusing on individual psychology rather than oppressive structures. From the opposing perspective, the proponents of trigger warnings infantilise themselves and unwittingly pathologise the reading and watching practices of

in The power of vulnerability

of national victimhood, prominent public roles for religious organisations, constriction of women's public participation, demographic panics about ethnic majorities, and weakened reproductive rights – after state socialism collapsed (Verdery 1994 : 250). Racism and xenophobia against Roma, Jews, other minorities and historic ethnic Others, plus undocumented migrants crossing into the EU, were another dimension of postsocialist ‘nation-building’ (Bošković 2006 : 560), creating what the Slovenian sociologist Tonči Kuzmanić ( 2002 : 21) termed a ‘new … post

in Race and the Yugoslav region
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A reminder from the present

do not feel welcome. Unionist resistance to a united Ireland is partly sectarian but is increasingly based upon a self-understanding of past, present and future victimhood. The creation of the Northern Ireland Assembly also sought to persuade those who favour the unification of Ireland to be less impetuous in their demands for radical political change. The Social Democratic and Labour Party, which aims to play the postnationalist card in Northern Irish politics, has seen its fortunes degenerate as the more vociferous nationalist politics of Sinn Féin emerge as the

in The end of Irish history?
From universalisation to relativism

enemy of many other people, and they too can potentially claim some sense of victimhood, since he did not simply destroy the Jews – he also destroyed Western civilisation in the process, according to Steiner. In this sense, the lessons of the Holocaust are specifically applicable to the Jews, but universally applicable to everyone else. Because Hitler destroyed Christian morality, Jews have no choice but to share their Devil with the rest of the world, as Harold Kaplan explains: ‘all men have become “jews” (with the small “j” in Jean-François Lyotard’s usage) and must

in Balkan holocausts?
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support their campaigns for better safety and provision for the injured, as well as to stand for the sufferings of all coalminers in the face of what mining activist Edward Rymer (himself ‘half blind’ and a ‘cripple’) termed the ‘mighty Juggernaut’ of industrial capitalism.12 The perceived ‘victimhood’ of disabled people could be a powerful resource in Conclusion 205 highlighting the cruel practices of employers during disputes, as the stories of elderly and impaired persons being evicted from company housing during the 1844 strike in north-east England

in Disability in the Industrial Revolution
Integrative concepts for a criminology of mass violence

his macro–meso–micro conceptual model, and showed how the highest levels of recorded lethal and sexual violence occurred when government forces and militia attacked in tandem, and where a dehumanizing racial discourse (‘We will kill all the men and rape all the women. We want to change the colour…’) was most often heard. These findings helped to demonstrate, variously, both direct and indirect government involvement, an endemic ideological mass denial of victimhood, and the racialized both mens rea and actus reus of crime. The latter point is theoretically important

in Human remains and mass violence

Muslims; they were all designed to protect people from violence. Laws against blasphemy by contrast protect the state and state-endorsed religions from the people. As far as the antisemitic dimensions of the violence were concerned, one response has been to neglect it altogether or draw some kind of equivalence between the killing of French Jews in Paris and the killing of Palestinians in Israel. In a competition of victimhood in which concern for one

in Antisemitism and the left