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The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party

continuity, innovation and renewal

Paul Kennedy

5 The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party: continuity, innovation and renewal Paul Kennedy The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español – PSOE) was founded in Madrid in 1879. It was the largest party on the left during the Second Republic (1931–36), and provided the Republic with two prime ministers during the Spanish Civil War, Francisco Largo Caballero (1936–37) and Juan Negrín (1937–39). Brutally repressed by the Franco regime (1939–75), the PSOE almost disappeared as a significant political force within Spain. Nevertheless, under the

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David Rieff

codes is ultimately voluntary. It remains the case that with sufficient funding any group of people could call itself a relief organisation. Such a group might not be allowed to participate in operations coordinated by the UN, but that is by no means all operations. The humanitarian field remains wide open to any and all who wish to engage in it. In any case, the idea that humanitarian work can be apolitical is complete nonsense. While many, though not all, relief workers have come from and identified with the Left as citizens , relief

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Mel Bunce

When people look online for information about humanitarian crises, they increasingly encounter media content that blurs the line between reality and fiction. This includes everything from rumour and exaggeration to partisan journalism and completely invented stories designed to look like real news (so-called ‘fake news’). This article shows that disinformation is causing real and serious harm to those affected by humanitarian emergencies; it can undermine the ability of humanitarian workers to provide relief; and it has exacerbated conflict and violence. Disinformation is also making it harder for journalists to report on the humanitarian sector, and hold the powerful to account, because it undermines audience trust in information more generally. The article concludes by considering interventions that could address the challenges of disinformation. It argues for more support of quality journalism about humanitarian crises, as well as media literacy training. Finally, it is crucial that aid agencies and news outlets commit to accuracy and fact checking in their reporting and campaigning.

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Rescue and Resistance in the Med

An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse

Juliano Fiori

, they want to do something about it and they can’t necessarily join NGOs like MSF because they don’t have professional experience in humanitarian work. They specifically want to do something in Europe rather than going to Bangladesh or Syria or Iraq. It is really this idea of dealing with a European issue, in Europe, in a way that might bring about political change, without being embedded in a political party. This is a new type of political engagement and politics – different to that which inspired previous generations of humanitarian workers. SOS

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A World without a Project

An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

Juliano Fiori

the blue-collar worker. He perceived that sectors connected to an old-style capitalism were being marginalised by globalisation. JF: So what role will humanitarian ideas and human rights – so prominent in the 1990s in particular – play in international affairs? CA: I think we need to rescue this discourse. Recognising its partiality and inconsistency, I never thought that we should destroy it but rather strengthen it. The Universal Periodic Review of the Human Rights Council was a Brazilian idea! Even before the government of [President Luiz

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Post-Humanitarianism

Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

Mark Duffield

traditional aim of development policy was to regularise informality. That is, to graduate the millions of workers, artisans, traders and enterprises that constitutes the informal sector into a rule-based economy. Such graduation, however, is no longer the aim ; even though – through data informatics – the informal sector is mapped as never before. In a post-social world, late-capitalism has no intention of again assuming responsibility for social reproduction. To the contrary, the logic of the downturn is to externalise and preserve the household

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The Changing Faces of UNRWA

From the Global to the Local

Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh

identified by social workers’ Selection criteria: no men aged 19–60 female-headed households over-60s 1994 Change: stopped mental health programmes Reason given: mental health programmes no longer considered beneficial since they are ‘clinical rather than community-based’ 1995 Change: stopped supplementary feeding programmes To

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When the Music Stops

Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

Stephen Hopgood

even hostile to wider norms and interests, attacks on civilians, IDPs and refugees and aid workers have grown. Fears of scarcity, feelings of injustice, lack of recognition and enervating insecurity have all taken their toll. The room for humanism has reduced as a result. We can see this in the backlash against human rights and the erosion of humanitarian space. Indeed, in what follows, I will suggest that without liberal world order, global humanitarianism as we currently understand it is impossible. Governments of rising powers, increasingly

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In search of social democracy

Responses to crisis and modernisation

Edited by: John Callaghan, Nina Fishman, Ben Jackson and Martin Mcivor

This book considers the underlying causes of the end of social democracy's golden age. It argues that the cross-national trend in social democratic parties since the 1970s has been towards an accommodation with neo-liberalism and a corresponding dilution of traditional social democratic commitments. The book looks at the impact of the change in economic conditions on social democracy in general, before examining the specific cases of Germany, Sweden and Australia. It examines the ideological crisis that engulfed social democracy. The book also looks at the post-1970 development of social policy, its fiscal implications and economic consequences in three European countries. It considers the evolution of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) from its re-emergence as a significant political force during the 1970s until the present day under José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. The book also examines the evolution of the Swedish model in conjunction with social democratic reformism and the party's relations to the union movement. It explores the latest debate about what the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) stands for. The SPD became the role model for programmatic modernisation for the European centre-left. The book considers how British socialist and social democratic thought from the late nineteenth century to the present has treated the objective of helping people to fulfil their potential, talents and ambitions. It aims to contribute to a broader conversation about the future of social democracy by considering ways in which the political thought of 'third way' social democracy might be radicalised for the twenty-first century.

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Globalisation contested

An international political economy of work

Louise Amoore

Bringing fresh insights to the contemporary globalization debate, this text reveals the social and political contests that give ‘global’ its meaning, by examining the contested nature of globalization as it is expressed in the restructuring of work. The book rejects conventional explanations of globalization as a process that automatically leads to transformations in working lives, or as a project that is strategically designed to bring about lean and flexible forms of production, and advances an understanding of the social practices that constitute global change. Through case studies that span from the labour flexibility debates in Britain and Germany to the strategies and tactics of corporations and workers, it examines how globalization is interpreted and experienced in everyday life and argues that contestation has become a central feature of the practices that enable or confound global restructuring.