This chapter examines contemporary understandings of the public-private distinction and feminist critiques. Political theorists tend to acknowledge two broad traditions for distinguishing between the public and the private: the classical and the liberal. The feminist literature on the public-private distinction has focused primarily on critiquing the liberal formulation of the public-private distinction. The significance of caring, as both practice and perspective has generated a large feminist literature on the 'ethic of care'. The feminist theorists have turned towards the project of reconceptualising the public and private in new, less gendered ways. There is evidence that the feminist literature on the public-private distinction takes one beyond critique to prescription. Joan Scott suggests that, 'It makes no sense for the feminist movement to let its arguments be forced into pre-existing categories and its political disputes to be characterised by a dichotomy we did not invent'.
This chapter offers a two-tier analysis of the interaction between developments within the party system as a whole and the internal politics of the French Parti Socialiste (PS). It illustrates the institutional constraints of the French party system, and how its competitive demands helped to structure the internal organisation of the PS. The chapter shows how the PS has shaped the development of the French party system. It considers how PS factionalism and organisational changes structure the internal debate and shapes the PS approach to the two dimensions of political strategy. Although genetically programmed to operate under a majoritarian system inducing rassemblement in the second ballot, the PS proved adept at pursuing other strategies for different kinds of elections. The chapter examines a series of significant episodes in the PS's development in the 1990s and explores the processes of interaction between intra-party politics and opportunities for party system change.
Steven Fielding and Declan McHugh
This chapter considers the notion of the 'progressive dilemma' as outlined by David Marquand in his collection of essays. It outlines the social democratic perspective, and characterises the outlook of those described as social democrats. The Progressive Dilemma is taken as the exemplar of a wider 'social democratic' interpretation of the Labour Party. The party was tied too closely to the group and to the industrial trade unions to construct a long-term socially diverse anti-Conservative coalition. The confining 'structure and mentality' of the unions meant, therefore, that the Labour lacked the necessary political imagination to sustain itself in office. Here the progressive alliance's very heterogeneity was seen as giving it a further advantage over its 'labourist' successor. According to Marquand, the Labour should have emulated the model established by the Liberal-led Edwardian 'progressive alliance'.
Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order
Sergei Medvedev and Peter van Ham
This introduction presents an overview of key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book explores how experiences in Kosovo have changed the discourse of European security. It provides new and stimulating perspectives on how 'Kosovo' has shaped European post-post-Cold War reality. The book aims to contribute to the insecurity of the field of security studies by sidelining the theoretical worldview that underlies mainstream strategic thinking on the Kosovo events. It investigates how 'Kosovo' has developed into this principal paradigmatic sign in the complex text of European security. The book also investigates how its very marginality has emphasised the unravelling fringes and limits of the sovereign presence of what 'Europe' thinks it stands for, and how it affects the discourse on European security.
Edited by: Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher
This book deals with the institutional framework in post-socialist, after-empire spaces. It consists of nine case studies and two contributions of a more theoretical nature. Each of these analytical narratives sheds some light on the micro-politics of organised violence. After 1990, Serbs and Croats were competing over access to the resources needed for institution building and state building. Fear in turn triggered ethnic mobilisation. An 'unprofessional' riot of Serbs in the Krajina region developed into a professional war between Serbs and Croats in Croatia, in which several thousand died and several hundred thousand people were forcefully expelled from their homes. The Herceg-Bosnian style of resistance can be surprisingly effective. It is known that most of the heroin transported along the Balkans route passes through the hands of Albanian mafia groups; that this traffic has taken off since summer 1999. The concept of Staatnation is based on the doctrine according to which each 'nation' must have its own territorial State and each State must consist of one 'nation' only. The slow decline and eventual collapse of the Soviet and the Yugoslav empires was partly triggered, partly accompanied by the quest for national sovereignty. Dagestan is notable for its ethnic diversity and, even by post-Soviet standards, its dramatic economic deprivation. The integrative potential of cooperative movements at the republican, the regional and the inter-state level for the Caucasus is analyzed. The book also offers insights into the economics of ending violence. Finally, it addresses the question of reconciliation after ethnic cleansing.
One way to Europeanisation
Maria João Seabra
The adaptation of the Portuguese administration to the new political and economic internal circumstances was parallel to the process of integration in the European Union. The correlation between internal changes and European integration has increased with the Treaty on European Union (TEU). The TEU led to a substantial reform in the Portuguese constitution and it has changed the role of the Parliament in the control of the European Community (EC) legislation. At the same time, almost all the ministries had to create or adapt their services and institutions even those traditionally less 'Europeanised', such as the police forces and the judicial authorities. The Portuguese case shows that domestic political change is influential in the definition of European policies. Portuguese civil society is also learning how to deal with European integration. In the future, civil society, through its organised representatives, is likely to play an increasing role in Portugal's European policies.
Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood
A perfect companion to European politics today, written by the same authors, this book presents past events, prominent personalities, important dates, organisations and electoral information in an accessible, easy-to-read format. The book is split into five sections for ease of use: a dictionary of significant political events, a chronology of major events in Europe since 1945, a biographical dictionary, a dictionary of political organisations and electoral data. In addition to being a comprehensive reference tool, this book is intended to provide a sound historical background to the development of Western European politics.
Most people who talk of political obligation have one thing in mind: the citizens' duty to obey the laws in their own country. This chapter discusses whether people do in fact have good and justifiable reasons for complying with laws that go beyond mere fear of punishment and whether they are bound or obligated by those reasons to comply. Socrates believed that people had a moral duty to obey the law. It is a very strict duty based on an agreement they have made. Dissatisfaction with consent theory has led political theorists to consider other possible grounds of an obligation to obey law. The arguments based on consent, on gratitude for benefits, and on fair play have been looked at in turn and each has failed. Some have concluded from this that there simply is no obligation, no moral obligation, for everyone to obey all laws in their own country.
Edited by: Richard Bellamy and Andrew Mason
All political argument employs political concepts. They provide the building blocks needed to construct a case for or against a given political position. Justifications of oppression in the name of liberty are no mere products of the liberal imagination, for there are notorious historical examples of their endorsement by authoritarian political leaders. This book explores two approaches to rights: the interest-based (IB) approach, and the obligation-based or Kantian view. Both are shown to offer coherent justifications that can avoid turning all political concerns into a matter of rights. The concept of social justice emerged in both at the start of the twentieth century, and justified institutions for the democratic modification for market outcomes, on utilitarian, maximin or common good grounds. The book explores whether people do in fact have good and justifiable reasons for complying with laws that go beyond mere fear of punishment, and, if so, whether they are bound or obligated by those reasons to comply. It discusses national ties and how they are supposed to act as glue that holds the state together in the eyes of its citizens. The book also explores the link between the weakening of states and this change in criminal policies, and outlines their implications for individual rights. Theorists have used the idea of social exclusion to advocate an approach to social justice that sees increased labour-market participation as the key to equal to citizenship. The contemporary understandings of the public-private distinction and feminist critiques of these are also examined.
Democratisation studies greatly profits from expanding its disciplinary and geographical constraints. This chapter amplifies such sentiments, presenting reasons as to why the students of politics should reject parochialism in their attempts to understand democratization. The fruitfulness of applying several disciplines to the analysis of politics varies across different kinds of political phenomena. Like the study of politics, the other disciplines too are dynamic, and their approaches can even vary according to distinct national, cultural and educational or professional institutional traditions. There are differences of time, place and circumstance that impact on the way political phenomena, including democracy, is viewed. Political scientists studying democratization appear much taken with the idea of judicial autonomy as a part of the institutional architecture for ensuring the horizontal accountability of the executive. This chapter also presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book.