This chapter offers an interpretation of John Rawls whereby political principles of toleration are justified in virtue of the legitimate expectation that citizens themselves move beyond toleration in their political discourse by engaging with one another in public reason. It shows that some assumptions about citizens' personal attitudes must be made before political toleration can be claimed to be appropriate. Revealing these assumptions shows that reflections on the nature of pluralism are a red herring with respect to arguments for political toleration. Toleration of disliked or disapproved of people requires refraining from repression and official discouragement of the practices constitutive of these differences. Political principles of toleration are necessary for preserving peace, stability and justice between people divided by incommensurable differences.
Opponents of liberalism has always been one of the advantages of the liberal approach to political theory that it prides itself on dealing with the real world of men and women as they actually are. Its claims about pluralism and the need for toleration have been based on the actual dissent about value that can be expected to emerge when men and women engage in thought about their lives and their relations with others under less than perfect conditions. This chapter considers the terminology of reasonableness, the contrast between the reasonable and the rational, put about by John Rawls and his followers. The liberal commitment to allowing individuals to pursue their aims is complemented by an insistence that individuals be reasonable in choosing what aims to pursue.
This chapter suggests that laïcité is a confusing concept because it is internally complex, and appeals to values and concerns that tend to be kept separate in Anglo-American liberal political theory. It identifies three main strands of laïcité: neutrality (laïcité A), autonomy (laïcité B), and community (laïcité C). The chapter attempts to situate each of them in the historical context of its emergence, and to offer an analytical elucidation of its relevance to the issues raised by the headscarves affair and to wider debates about toleration. It suggests that the wearing of headscarves in schools was problematic in France because it questioned the normative relevance of all three interpretations of laïcité at the same time. The chapter also focuses on questions about the coherence of the concept, and points towards an alternative conceptualisation of laïcité that would do justice to the republican language in which it is embedded.
Communism, post-Communism, and the war in Croatia
David Bruce MacDonald
This chapter explores Communism, post-Communism, and the war in Croatia during Josip Broz Tito's regime and analyses Serbian and Croatian nationalist interpretations of the Yugoslav period, during its rise, its decline, and finally, its Fall. It also discusses how propagandists succeeded in making direct connections between past eras of persecution and the contemporary wars of the 1990s. The theme of the ‘universal culprit’ was advanced throughout the conflict. World War II was being reenacted in Serbia and Croatia, and all decisions would be calculated on an analysis of the past, not on a realistic assessment of contemporary events. The chapter first considers the Communist era during 1945–1990, Serbian views of Tito's Yugoslavia, the 1974 constitution and genocide, and Croatian nationalism in Yugoslavia. It then looks at linguistic repression in Yugoslavia, the rise of Serbian and Croatian nationalism, ‘Operation Storm’, the Catholic Church, Croatian views of the war in Croatia, Greater Serbia, and Serbian Nazis and collective psychosis.
This chapter argues that the ideas of duty and responsibility defended by communitarianism were used by New Labour to water down the party's commitment to equality. It begins with a brief explanation of communitarian ideas, and focuses on the works of 'prescriptive communitarians', given that it was these thinkers who had an influence on New Labour's thinking. The chapter deals with the link between ideas on community and socialism. The idea of community was present in Tony Blair's Third Way pamphlet, in which he defended a 'politics of "us" rather than "me"', one that would be based on 'an ethic of responsibility as well as rights'. The chapter is concerned with the narrative on social exclusion-social inclusion, which sheds light on New Labour's approach to poverty and social inequalities. It ends with a discussion of the implications of those deviations for the party's ideology.
Criticisms, futures, alternatives
Edited by: Sarah Hale, Will Leggett and Luke Martell
In the late 1990s Third Way governments were in power across Europe - and beyond, in the USA and Brazil, for instance. The Third Way experiment was one that attracted attention worldwide. The changes made by Left parties in Scandinavia, Holland, France or Italy since the late 1980s are as much part of Third Way politics as those developed in Anglo-Saxon countries. Since the early 1990s welfare reform has been at the heart of the Centre-Left's search for a new political middle way between post-war social democracy and Thatcherite Conservatism. For Tony Blair, welfare reform was key to establishing his New Labour credentials - just as it was for Bill Clinton and the New Democrats in the USA. Equality has been 'the polestar of the Left', and the redefinition of this concept by Giddens and New Labour marks a significant departure from post-war social democratic goals. The most useful way of approaching the problem of the Blair Government's 'Third Way' is to apply the term to its 'operational code': the precepts, assumptions and ideas that actually inform policy choice. The choice would be the strategy of public-private partnership (PPP) or the Private Finance Initiative (PFI), as applied to health policy. New Labour is deeply influenced by the thoughts and sentiments of Amitai Etzioni and the new communitarian movement. Repoliticisation is what stands out from all the contributions of reconstructing the Third Way along more progressive lines.
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis
This substantially updated and revised edition offers a comprehensive overview of the challenges confronting the political system as well as the international politics of the European Union. It draws from a spectrum of regional integration theories to determine what the Union actually is and how it is developing, examining the constitutional politics of the European Union, from the Single European Act to the Treaty of Nice and beyond. The ongoing debate on the future of Europe links together the questions of democracy and legitimacy, competences and rights, and the prospects for European polity-building. The aim is to contribute to a better understanding of the emerging European polity and the questions that further treaty reform generates for the future of the regional system. The authors also assess the evolving European security architecture; the limits and possibilities of a genuine European foreign, security and defence policy; and the role of the EU in the post-Cold War international system. Common themes involve debates about stability and instability, continuity and change, multipolarity and leadership, co-operation and discord, power capabilities and patterns of behaviour. The book traces the defining features of the ‘new order’ in Europe and incorporates an analysis of the post-September 11th context.
The European union’s policy in the field of arms export controls
Sibylle Bauer and Eric Remacle
European foreign policy functions as a 'system' of multi-level policies structured in four levels (conflicting, cooperative and institutionalised intergovernmentalism, and supranationalism), each of which refers indirectly to one of the main integration theories. This chapter discusses the following three dimensions of European foreign policy-making with reference to the case of arms export controls: convergence or vertical coherence, consistency or horizontal coherence and variable geometry. The various levels of foreign policy-making inside the European Union (EU) allow for different speeds and degrees of integration in different policy areas of the three pillars as well as within the pillars, and also in various aspects of the same policy area. Each area of foreign policy decision-making in the EU seems to be inspired by different ideological approaches to integration favoured by the different foreign policy actors.
Knud Erik Jørgensen
Launched in 1970, Europe's common foreign policy has, to some degree, come of age. This chapter aims at exploring possibilities of theorising the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) 'the constructivist way'. Most theory-informed research on the CFSP employs the deductive method and a large number of theories or frameworks of analysis have been applied in research on the CFSP. The chapter describes how the balance between deductive and inductive theorising is quite asymmetrical. It discusses nine rules for creative theorising - developed by Rosenau and Durfee - as a point of departure and combine their rules with social constructivist ways of framing research questions and designs. For each rule there is consideration of how theories would have been, had Rosenau and Durfee's prescriptions been informed by a social constructivist perspective.
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis
This chapter takes a look at EU theorising and some methodological issues surrounding the study of the regional process. It studies various theoretical approaches to European integration that were developed during the formative years of the process and up to the late 1970s, and also addresses the difficulty surrounding the issue of defining the regional system and the origins of political unions.