European integration has clearly produced more benefits than losses for Spain in terms of financial resources and political influence. European Commission (EC) membership has also had a consistent impact on most Spanish public administrations whose procedures and structures have undergone a far-reaching process of adaptation to conform to Community standards. Both Spanish national and regional actors are increasingly taking part in the EC/European Union legislative process and have experienced an extensive process of adaptation of their internal procedures. The increased rights for participation and co-decision have been used intensively by such actors. However, the internal Spanish political situation also clearly interferes with these processes, accelerating or slowing them down: the preference for certain instruments or decision procedures does not exclusively depend on the rhythm of the process of European integration itself. Finally, the increasing role of public opinion should also be taken into account.
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith
The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has taken a prominent security role in international attempts to make work the political settlements in Bosnia, Kosovo and, to a lesser extent, Macedonia. Just as NATO's ‘humanitarian intervention’ over Kosovo highlighted the normative tension between the doctrine of non-intervention in sovereign states versus efforts to promote respect for human rights that transcend state boundaries, the subsequent efforts at peace-building have revealed other normative conundrums. For NATO and other international institutions, this has made South East Europe a normative labyrinth where democracy, ‘stateness’, identity and security are difficult to bring together. This chapter examines the international attempts at peace-building in the former Yugoslavia by focusing on the challenges to efforts to bring lasting stability posed by democratisation, ethnic nationalism and the promotion of security. It also discusses the Dayton agreement and its impact on human rights and multiculturalism in Bosnia, the Stability Pact, and nationalism's relationship to democratic norms.
In the theorization and general discussion of democratization, South Asia occupies a distinctive space. Directly or indirectly, democratization has been central to the study of South Asian politics over the past few years. Coinciding with the 'third wave', it reflects seismic changes within the governance of South Asian states. These changes embrace some of the followings: the collapse of dominant party systems; the transition from military or monarchical regimes; and domestic demands for political reform. Political consolidation and the effectiveness of the democratic process are likely to remain the key area of research. The impact of international developments is a recurrent theme in the literature on democratization in South Asia. The chapter reviews constraints on the democratization in South Asia. The development of new communications technologies eroded the strict control on political communications that had been a characteristic feature of South Asian states.
This chapter highlights the classic and contemporary sociological approaches for the understanding of democracy and democratization with particular attention being accorded to the post-1989 period. It tabulates the development of classical social theories of democracy. Among these sociological theories, one thing which is common is that they seek to understand the nature and the desirability of linkages between formal political institutions and the makeup of wider society. In the early years of the century, formal democracy in many of the advanced societies was extremely shaky, or even non-existent. For democratization to be secured, it is necessary that active attention be accorded to the developing civil society. Sociological perspectives regarding democratization have had greater influence in the emerging trans-disciplines of socio-economics and political economy, which have attempted to break free from the rational choice straitjacket.
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd
This chapter explores socialism, an ideology that sprang from the industrial revolution and the experience of the class that was its product, the working class. Though a more coherent ideology than conservatism, socialism has several markedly different strands. In order to appreciate these, and the roots of socialism in a concrete historical experience, the chapter also explores its origins and development, giving particular attention to the British Labour Party. Utopian socialism, Marxism, nonconformist Christianity, class struggle, trade unionism, Fabianism, vegetarianism, pacifism and New Liberalism all contributed to the development of British socialism in the form of the Labour Party. The Labour Party is one of the least ideological socialist parties in Europe but, arguably, one that has changed its society the most. The chapter concludes with some reflections on 'Blairism' and the 'Third Way', and the possible future of socialism as an ideology.
This chapter explores the principles of social security in the Welfare State. The Beveridge Report of 1942 which heralded in the post-war Welfare State proposed a comprehensive National Insurance system which would look after people throughout their lives. The chapter reviews how social security developed up to 1979 and provides detailed description and analysis of the reforms and new attitude to social security under the Conservatives after 1979. When the Conservative party won power in 1979 the social security part of their expenditure commitments came under immediate scrutiny. An important part of the Conservatives' economic policy was the creation of amore flexible labour market. There is no doubt that a key element in New Labour's philosophy was to attack poverty in the UK, especially child poverty. The chapter also provides an analysis of New Labour's attitude to social security after 1997.
The place of equal opportunity
This chapter introduces the basic elements of John Rawls's theory as they were presented in A Theory of Justice, for it is here that Rawls gives the most sustained treatment of equality of opportunity. In the widespread disagreement over which the principles of justice should govern our major institutions, Rawls draws upon the social contract tradition in order to develop a method which he hopes can secure agreement on a particular conception of justice. Rawls begins his discussion of equality of opportunity by endorsing the idea that careers should be open to talents in the sense that everyone should have 'the same legal rights of access to all advantaged social positions'. Rawls develops his argument for the priority of liberty in a way that might seem to promise an explanation of why he thinks the principle of fair equality of opportunity should take priority over the difference principle.
This chapter introduces the idea of a social ethos as a way of pursuing the dynamic account of toleration. The dynamic analysis of toleration as a social virtue was initially motivated by the thought that toleration as an individual virtue typically requires some sort of 'overcoming'. The idea of toleration only seems appropriate when a conflict of values or beliefs goes so deep that groups may think that 'they cannot accept the existence of each other'. The chapter focuses on three responses: intolerance, grudging toleration or accommodating toleration. The contrast between the dynamic and static disappears, for a society will be tolerant in virtue of one aspect of its social ethos. The notion of 'live and let live' is so close to the idea of 'tolerate diversity' that the analysis becomes circular, presupposing the idea it is trying to explain.
David Bruce MacDonald
This chapter focuses on the rise of Serbian nationalism and examines many of the important myths that evolved as a concomitant to it. It begins by exploring elements of the Battle of Kosovo, a battle fought between Serbian and Turkish forces on June 28, 1389, which ultimately resulted in Serbian subjugation to five centuries of Ottoman rule. Myths highlighting the glorious but tragic aspects of Serbian history were of central importance in legitimating the dismantling of the Yugoslav Federation, and the expansionist ambitions of Milošević and his colleagues. Kosovo, and more general myths of Golden Age and Fall, were instrumentalised first in the case of the Kosovar Albanians, and secondly, and more importantly, in the case of the Croats. As the conflict progressed, writers came to identify a Serbian version of anti-Semitism — ‘Serbophobia’ — a genocidal and expansionist strategy, supposedly used throughout history by Serbia's enemies. This chapter reviews the nineteenth- and early twentieth-century manifestations of Croatian ‘Serbophobia’, laying the basis for an analysis of World War II, Yugoslavia, and the more contemporary conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina.
Kosovo and the Balkanisation–integration nexus
Peter van Ham
In Europe's security discourse, 'Kosovo' tends to allegorise the Balkanisation of Europe, the ultimate metaphor of chaos and disintegration which supposedly is the antithesis of the real Europe of peace and stability. The challenge for the EU has been to prevent a slow drift from a postmodern politics of family resemblance to a narcissistic policy of passive self-absorption and epistemic closure. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO's) air campaign has legitimised not only new European order (NEO) realism: it has made another step in legitimising the structure of meaning that circulates in the very debate on 'European security'. The discourse of 'European security' produces a parallel paradigm of European sovereignty, a paradigm that faces serious challenges of local resistance (of the still-resilient state), as well as external opposition.