This chapter focuses on three books by Ross McKibbin which raise interesting questions for the study of the Labour Party largely because of the type of originality in which familiar elements are given novel interpretation and arrangement. The books are The Evolution of the Labour Party, The Ideologies of Class, and Classes and Cultures. In Classes and Cultures, McKibbin develops some of the arguments while exploring many aspects of class culture in immense detail. Full employment was the context for trade union growth, and the growth of the north and its political culture, at the expense of the south and its political culture. The chapter considers McKibbin's account of the working class in the period of Labour's birth, broadly the years 1880-1914, a time when Britain had proportionately the largest working class in the world.
The Ecuadorian experience
Silvia Vega Ugalde
This chapter presents the experience of the Coordinadora Politica de Mujeres Ecuatorianas (CPME), one of whose strategies is to work with members of Ecuador's women's movement for a gender focus in public policy. CPME, Consejo Nacional de las Mujeres (CONAMU) and other women's organizations developed an active presence, lobbying delegates for the inclusion of a number of constitutional reforms dealing with women. In 1996, CPME developed a strategy of engagement with the state based upon Comisiones Tecnicas Bipartitas (CTBs). The purpose of the CTBs was to develop goals for different social sectors, taking as a starting point the Women's Political Agenda on the one hand and, on the other, to assess proposals submitted by ministries and other state entities. Congress participants voted in favour of the Political Agenda as the founding document of CPME and, in a secret ballot, elected a group of national leaders.
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd
This chapter attempts to examine one's own ideological beliefs, to better understand the role of ideology in politics and society. It examines its relevance to modern history both in Britain and in other parts of the world. The chapter analyses the situation in contemporary Britain and considers whether it can be reasonably asserted that there is an ideological consensus in Britain or whether we are now 'beyond ideology'. It distinguishes between 'dominant ideologies' and 'ideologies of resistance', and also between 'restrictive' and 'relaxed' ideologies. The term 'restrictive ideologies' conjures up the image of rigidity, narrowness and bigotry in the ideological cause. Liberalism, conservatism, socialism, Marxism, fascism and the other ideological traditions and movements all have a recognised body of literature expounding the main tenets of their ideological belief systems.
This chapter, which aims to complete the investigation into the ‘immunized’ potential of the State of Israel, presents the reader with the connection between ‘civil society’ and the ‘immunizing’ process of the Israeli democracy. It suggests that ‘civil society’, because of its state-free status, carries the potential for playing a central role in the transition to the ‘immunized’ model. The chapter's conclusion underscores the awakening of the ‘pro-democratic civil society’ in Israel and profiles a number of notable successes which can be chalked up to its credit.
A political–cultural approach
This chapter sets out to explore the research problem using a political-cultural approach and seeks to illuminate the cognitive mind-maps with which policy-makers interpret their political 'realities'. It provides a brief discussion of national and European role conceptions, based on a comparative study of British, French and German foreign policy in the context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Role conceptions could metaphorically be thought of as 'road maps' which facilitate the foreign policy-maker's navigation through a complex political reality. The stability of the European Union (EU) as a foreign policy actor is dependent on the member states consistently adopting common role conceptions and modifying their behaviour according to each others' roles and expectations. If a Europeanisation of foreign policy is taking place, we would anticipate that member states would be adopting position roles that increase the predictability of foreign policy and stable expectations.
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd
This chapter considers the development of the concept of 'rights' as being intrinsic to human beings because they are human. It focuses on various kinds of rights: 'natural' and 'human' rights; legal rights; civil rights; and welfare rights. The chapter analyses the idea of 'obligation' or 'duty', notably the obligations the citizen is said to owe to society and to the government. It examines various theories of such obligation. The obligations include moral obligations; legal obligations; civic obligations; and social obligations. The chapter looks at the fashionable idea of 'citizenship', and the various ways in which the term is used. It is a word capable of multiple meanings: legal citizenship; sociological citizenship; and participatory citizenship. The chapter reflects upon the implications of the British government's promotion of 'citizenship'.
Their basis and limits
Rights appear in every plausible theory of justice and dominate contemporary political rhetoric. Critics, as a matter of course, raise two objections to this proliferation of rights talk. First, they argue that no clear justification exists for rights. As a result, every political issue can be turned into a demand for rights. Second, they object that rights encourage individualistic and anti-social behaviour. This chapter explores two approaches to rights: the interest-based (IB) approach and the obligation-based or Kantian view. Both approaches are shown to offer coherent justifications that can avoid turning all political concerns into a matter of rights. The chapter compares the ways the approaches relate to other social duties. It shall be argued that only the Kantian approach fully escapes the second criticism by positively requiring that we supplement rights with other social virtues.
Edited by: Ben Tonra and Thomas Christiansen
This book reviews a variety of approaches to the study of the European Union's foreign policy. Much analysis of EU foreign policy contains theoretical assumptions about the nature of the EU and its member states, their inter-relationships, the international system in which they operate and the nature of European integration. The book outlines the possibilities for the use of discourse analysis in the study of European foreign policy. It sets out to explore the research problem using a political-cultural approach and seeks to illuminate the cognitive mind-maps with which policy-makers interpret their political 'realities'. The book provides an overview and analysis of some of the non-realist approaches to international relations and foreign policy, and proposes an analytical framework with which to explore the complex interplay of factors affecting European foreign policy. The book suggests one way of seeking theoretical parsimony without sacriﬁcing the most deﬁning empirical knowledge which has been generated about Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) over the years. It argues that while the sui generis nature of CFSP presents an acute problem for international relations theory, it is less pronounced with regard to traditional integration theory. The book discusses the dimensions of European foreign policy-making with reference to the case of arms export controls. Situated at the interface between European studies and international relations, it outlines how the EU relates to the rest of the world, explaining its effort towards creating a credible, effective and principled foreign, security and defence policy.
This chapter analyses the contrasting ways in which members understood post-war affluence, to establish the ideological and organisational state in which the party entered office in 1964. It examines the development of Labour strategy between 1959 and 1966 and highlights the debate it provoked, as this revealed how members thought their party should best respond to change. Hugh Gaitskell and his successor assumed — just like many other contemporaries — that rising incomes had restructured society and that popular political attitudes had changed in step. As a consequence, they believed Labour had to reform itself, in particular, how it communicated with key parts of the electorate: less stress was placed on the need to alter the party's organisation and policies. How far this approach contributed to Labour's 1964 and 1966 victories is moot.
The public role of religious expression provides an interesting test case for reflexive toleration, especially since it is tolerated religions that typically challenge the nature and limits of religious toleration. Toleration in a deliberative democracy serves to support 'political egalitarianism', broadly understood as the 'equal access for all to influence political deliberation', especially in those decisions that become collectively and legally binding. As the product of the specific historical situation of religious pluralism, many now argue that liberal toleration is increasingly inadequate to deal with pluralism along more than one dimension at a time. The defining historical moment of the liberal regime of toleration is the emergence of religious pluralism and the distinctive zero-sum character of religious conflict within a particular political community.