This chapter examines the reform of the German armed forces. It appraises several attempts during the 1990s to change the Bundeswehr from its Cold War organisation into a modern military equipped for a wider range of missions. It shows that these attempts have been surrounded by controversy and slowed down by financial uncertainties. This chapter also emphasises the external and internal impulses for defence reform and discusses the different factors that have slowed down policy change.
This chapter looks at the key issue of class and how Labour attempted to reconcile those differences said to have survived into the ‘affluent society’. It highlights the underlying reasons why the party embraced the policies it did. At the time of leaving office, Wilson's governments had made only a negligible impression on secondary education and industrial democracy. The failure to reform private education largely followed from the Cabinet's reluctance to confront the numerous practical and political problems raised by the issue at a time when Labour was already deeply unpopular. No progress towards even the most modest forms of worker participation had been made as Labour ministers emptied their desks.
Witnessing, retribution and domestic reform
This chapter addresses reconciliation in light of specific ethnic cleansings and 'ethnicisations', with a focus on the most examples in Bosnia. The precondition of reconciliation is a desire for non-repetition and an appreciation of the inter-subjectivity of the present. Such reconciliation is improbable if not impossible without domestic reform, without a new and more inclusive politics of the domestic group. The chapter addresses two separate but complementary processes as alternatives to revenge, and as modes of possible departure from violence, part of a politics of non-repetition. The first is witnessing and the second is legal redress of violence, or 'retributive justice'. The chapter demonstrates how the socio-political logic of ethnicisation feeds off the attempt to recover an individual loss through physical reproduction. Ethnicisation is a politics of repetition and is unlikely to lead to a departure from violence.
The recognition orientation has attracted the interest of political philosophers, however, some of whom are seeking to develop a new normative paradigm that puts recognition at its centre. Unlike the identity model, the status model construes recognition in a way that does not assign that category to ethics. By employing the status model, with its principle of participatory parity, it was possible to handle apparently ethical questions, such as the recognition of same-sex marriage, and questions of minority religious and cultural practices. The chapter argues that one can integrate redistribution and recognition without succumbing to schizophrenia. By construing redistribution and recognition as two mutually irreducible dimensions of justice, and by submitting both of them to the deontological norm of participatory parity, it positions them both on the common terrain of Moralität.
Matt Matravers and Susan Mendus
This chapter explores how the injustice of imposition might follow from the reasonableness of pluralism, and considers several epistemological arguments designed to effect the transition. It begins with Brian Barry's sceptical argument and argues that in presenting the case for scepticism and against epistemological restraint, Barry misrepresents epistemological restraint. Barry's appeal to a form of scepticism that is grounded in the degree of certainty that the agent is entitled to feel about his or her beliefs is one that yokes the 'existential' condition of the agent and the justification of liberal impartiality. The chapter argues that underpinning the injustice of imposition with scepticism exacts substantial existential costs given the connections that there are between conceptions of human flourishing and views on the status of conceptions of human flourishing.
Alex J. Bellamy
Some years before the ‘Warwick debate’, the journal Millennium held a symposium entitled ‘re-imagining the nation’. In his introduction to the volume, Adam Lerner suggested that ‘[t]he nation exists as much in people's minds as it does in the world’. The contributors to this collection agreed that the ‘great divide’ offered unsatisfactory ways of understanding the formation of national identity and shared a desire to ‘re-imagine’ the nation in ways that could build on the insights offered by both sides of the divide. This chapter considers some of these new approaches to the study of national identity formation and assesses how they can be used to study the formation of Croatian national identity in the 1990s. Liisa Mallki, Michael Billig, Sarah Radcliffe and Sally Westwood have offered alternative ways of thinking about nation formation that expose how nations are continually produced and reproduced in human subjectivity. Paul James introduced two new concepts to the study of nationalism and national identity: ‘continuity-in-discontinuity’ and ‘abstract community’. This chapter looks at Croatia as an abstract community.
From Parliamentary Socialism to ‘Bennism’
In order to help our understanding of Parliamentary Socialism, and situate it firmly in its intended context, this chapter explains the evolution of Ralph Miliband's thinking about the Labour Party. The chapter analyses his wider assumptions about the political change and the role of parties. It then suggests that these were based on an attempt to understand both objective socio-political circumstances and subjective intentions and convictions. The chapter explains both the continuities and the changes in Miliband's view of the Labour Party between the 1950s and the 1990s. If Miliband's role in relation to 'Bennism' is considered in comparison to his earlier attitudes, some striking points emerge about the interaction between the analytical and subjective aspects in his interpretive framework. Miliband tried to suggest that the downfall of communism was advantageous for the Left, given the extent to which the Soviet regimes had long embarrassed Western socialists such as himself.
This chapter focuses on the racial problems in the UK. It discusses features and importance of the Stephen Lawrence case and the importance of the Macpherson and Ousley Reports. The chapter explains the work of the Commission for Racial Equality. It also explains the broad issues of racial discrimination, forms of non-legislative race relations initiatives and the issue of multiracialism. The Labour party which came to power in 1965 was committed to improving race relations in Britain. Most of the attempts to outlaw racism and racial discrimination in Britain have involved legislation, either to prohibit discriminatory practices or to require institutions to improve race relations. The chapter also focuses on the attitudes of the main parties in Britain towards race relations and immigration. There is a need to create a new culture of race relations. In a truly multicultural society, cultural differences should be preserved and celebrated.
Ideology and the Conservative Party, 1997–2001
In the wake of election defeats in 1970, 1974 and 1979 both the Labour Party and the Conservatives held prolonged inquests into the reasons for their apparent failures in office. The 1975 Conservative leadership contest, in which Edward Heath was defeated by Margaret Thatcher, took place against a background of fierce ideological conflict between what came to be known as economic 'wets' and 'dries'. The nature of British conservatism has been vigorously contested for much of the post-war period, and after the electoral meltdown of 1997 it was reasonable to expect a flurry of impassioned speeches and pamphlets, setting out rival interpretations. Conservative Party practice after 1979 supports the view that electoral recovery need not bear any relation to ideological clarity, or even unity.
This chapter focuses on Turkey's quest for national identity and nationalism. It analyses the connection between Turkish nationalism and Islam, the encounter between Turkey and the Turkic peoples in the Caucasus and Central Asia, and Turkey's conflict with Syria over the latter's support of the Kurdistan Workers' Party. The chapter also highlights the view of the state, and of its Western and secular establishments and elite, that Muslim manifestations are detrimental to the very existence of modern Turkey.